Paratus
Lifer
- Jun 4, 2004
- 17,634
- 15,820
- 146
I'm not worried. The full en banc court will overturn this ruling.
Today’s twin cases, Halbig v. Burwell and King v. Burwell, pretty much hinge on one section of the ACA: 36B. In that section, Congress wrote that tax credits go to people who buy health insurance in exchanges “established by the State under section 1311.” OK, so let’s go to 1311. What does it say? Section 1311 provides that “each State shall” set up an exchange by the beginning of 2014. If not, we move to Section 1321, which says that the federal government will set up an exchange in the state’s stead. Does that mean Congress intended the same subsidies to go to people who sign up through federally run exchanges as through state-run ones? Yes, say a cadre of experts who know much more about this than I do. To quote one of them, Samuel Bagenstos: “Because Section 1321 provides that a federally-operated exchange will stand in the shoes of a state-operated exchange created by Section 1311, there is no basis for denying participants in federally-operated exchanges the same tax credits obtained by participants in state-operated exchanges.”
This is not the only possible meaning of 36B, because on its face it does say “established by the State.” As Judge Gregory acknowledges, writing for the Fourth Circuit, “the statute is ambiguous and subject to at least two different interpretations.” Why so confusing? Here’s what’s really to blame, as Yale law professor Abbe Gluck writes:
The ACA is a very badly drafted statute. And it’s badly drafted for a simple reason that turns out to be important to understanding how the pending litigation should be resolved: Because Senator Ted Kennedy died in the middle of the legislative process and was replaced by Republican Scott Brown, the statute never went through the usual legislative process, including the usual legislative clean-up process. Instead, because the Democrats lost their 60th filibuster-preventing vote, the version that had passed the Senate before Brown took office, which everyone initially had thought would be a mere first salvo, had to effectively serve as the final version, unchangeable by the House, because nothing else could get through the Senate.
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Judges Griffith and Randolph aren’t interested in this. They claim that they are interpreting 36B through the lens of the rest of the ACA, and that it is still clear that Congress yanked the subsidies away from all the people signing up through federally run exchanges. The majority opinion even has the gall to claim that it comes in sorrow, not in anger. “We reach this conclusion, frankly, with reluctance,” Griffith writes. “At least until states that wish to can set up Exchanges, our ruling will likely have significant consequences both for the millions of individuals receiving tax credits through federal Exchanges and for health insurance markets more broadly. But, high as those stakes are, the principle of legislative supremacy that guides us is higher still.”
Please. This is not about deferring to Congress. It’s about reading a text so myopically that you miss its larger meaning. More from Gluck: It “does a disservice to textualism and all those who have defended it over the years—turning it into a wooden unreasonable formalism rather than the sophisticated statutory analysis that textualists have been claiming they are all about.” The IRS lets people get subsidies when they sign up for health insurance, whatever the type of exchange, because this is what federal agencies are supposed to do: Choose the most plausible reading of a law, the one that fits with the consensus understanding of it. That’s how regulations are made. And once an agency has made its choice, courts are supposed to go along, unless it’s clear that the agency really blew it. Which is hardly true of granting subsidies to people who sign up for health insurance—the basic mechanism of Obamacare.
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