But while some conservatives actually believe their own grumbles, the smart ones
don?t. They know mau-mauing the other side is a just a good way to get their ideas
across?or perhaps to prevent the other side from getting a fair hearing for theirs. On
occasion, honest conservatives admit this. Rich Bond, then the chair of the
Republican Party, complained during the 1992 election, ?I think we know who the
media want to win this election?and I don?t think it?s George Bush.?8 The very same
Rich Bond also noted during the very same election, however, ?There is some strategy
to it [bashing the ?liberal? media] . . . . If you watch any great coach, what they try
to do is ?work the refs.? Maybe the ref will cut you a little slack on the next one.?9
Bond is hardly alone. That the SCLM were biased against the administration of Ronald
Reagan is an article of faith among Republicans. Yet James Baker, perhaps the most
media-savvy of them, owned up to the fact that any such complaint was decidedly
misplaced. ?There were days and times and events we might have had some complaints
[but] on balance I don?t think we had anything to complain about,? he
explained to one writer.10 Patrick Buchanan, among the most conservative pundits and
presidential candidates in the republic?s history, found that he could not identify any
allegedly liberal bias against him during his presidential candidacies. ?I?ve gotten balanced
coverage, and broad coverage?all we could have asked. For heaven sakes, we
kid about the ?liberal media,? but every Republican on earth does that,?11 the aspiring
American ayatollah cheerfully confessed during the 1996 campaign. And even
William Kristol, without a doubt the most influential Republican/neoconservative
publicist in America, has come clean on this issue. ?I admit it,? he told a reporter.
?The liberal media were never that powerful, and the whole thing was often used as
an excuse by conservatives for conservative failures.?12 Nevertheless Kristol apparently
feels no compunction about exploiting and reinforcing ignorant prejudices of his own
constituency. In a 2001 subscription pitch to conservative potential subscribers of his Rupert Murdoch?funded magazine, the Weekly Standard, Kristol complained, ?The
trouble with politics and political coverage today is that there?s too much liberal
bias. . . . There?s too much tilt toward the left-wing agenda. Too much apology for liberal
policy failures. Too much pandering to liberal candidates and causes.?13 (It?s a
wonder he left out ?Too much hypocrisy.?)
In recent times, the right has ginned up its ?liberal media? propaganda machine.
Books by both Ann Coulter, a blond bombshell pundette, and Bernard Goldberg,
former CBS News producer, have topped the best-seller lists, stringing together such
a series of charges that, well, it?s amazing neither one thought to accuse ?liberals? of
using the blood of conservative children for extra flavor in their soy-milk decaf lattes.
While extremely popular with the media they attack, both books are so shoddily written
and ?researched? that they pretty much refute themselves. Their danger derives
less from the authors? respective allegations than the ?where there?s smoke, there?s fire?
impression they inspire. In fact, barely any of the major allegations in either book
stands up to more than a moment?s scrutiny. The entire case is a lie, and, yes, in many
instances, a slander. Although I abhor the methods of both authors, I do not feel they
can go unanswered. Ideas, particularly bad ones, have consequences. The myth of the
?liberal media? empowers conservatives to control debate in the United States to the
point where liberals cannot even hope for a fair shake anymore. However immodest
my goal, I aim to change that...
Given the success of Fox News, the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Times, New
York Post, American Spectator, Weekly Standard, New York Sun, National Review,
Commentary, and so on, no sensible person can dispute the existence of a ?conservative
media.? The reader might be surprised to learn that neither do I quarrel with the
notion of a ?liberal media.? It is tiny and profoundly underfunded compared to its
conservative counterpart, but it does exist. As a columnist for the Nation and an independent
Weblogger for MSNBC.com, I work in the middle of it, and so do many of
my friends. And guess what? It?s filled with right-wingers.
Unlike most of the publications
named above, liberals, for some reason, feel compelled to include the views of
the other guy on a regular basis in just the fashion that conservatives abhor.
Take a tour from a native: New York magazine, in the heart of liberal country, chose
as its sole national correspondent the right-wing talk-show host Tucker Carlson.
During the 1990s, the New Yorker?the bible of sophisticated urban liberalism?chose
as its Washington correspondents the Clinton/Gore hater Michael Kelly and the soft,
DLC neo-conservative Joe Klein. At least half of the ?liberal New Republic? is actually
a rabidly neoconservative magazine (see chapter 3) and has been edited in recent years
by the very same Michael Kelly, as well as the conservative liberal hater Andrew
Sullivan. Its rival on the ?left,? the Nation, happily published the free-floating liberal
hater Christopher Hitchens until he chose to resign, and also invites Alexander
Cockburn to attack liberals with morbid predictability. The Atlantic Monthly?a mainstay
of Boston liberalism?even chose the apoplectic Kelly as its editor, who then proceeded
to add a bunch of Weekly Standard writers plus Christopher Hitchens to
Atlantic?s anti-liberal stable. What is the hysterically funny but decidedly reactionary
P. J. O?Rourke doing in both the Atlantic and the liberal Rolling Stone? Why does liberal
Vanity Fair choose to publish a hagiographic Annie Liebowitz portfolio of Bush
administration officials designed, apparently, to invoke notions of Greek and Roman
gods? Why does the liberal New York Observer alternate National Review?s Richard
Brookheiser with the Joe McCarthy-admiring columnist, Nicholas von Hoffman?
both of whom appear alongside editorials that occasionally mimic the same positions
taken downtown by the editors of the Wall Street Journal. On the Web, the tabloidstyle
liberal Web site Salon gives free reign to the McCarthyite impulses of both
Andrew Sullivan and David Horowitz. The neoliberal Slate also regularly publishes
both Sullivan and Christopher Caldwell of the Weekly Standard and has even opened
its pixels to such conservative evildoers as Charles Murray and Elliott Abrams. (The
reader should know I am not objecting to the inclusion of conservatives in the genuinely
liberal component of the media. In fact, I welcome them. I?d just like to see
some reciprocity on the other side.)
Move over to the mainstream publications and broadcasts often labeled ?liberal?
and you see how ridiculous the notion of liberal dominance becomes. The liberal
New York Times op-ed page features the work of the unreconstructed Nixonite
William Safire and for years accompanied him with the firebreathing-if-difficult-tounderstand
neocon A. M. Rosenthal. Current denizen Bill Keller also writes regularly
from a soft, DLC neoconservative perspective. Why was then-editorial page editor,
now executive editor, Howell Raines one of Bill Clinton?s most vocal adversaries during
his entire presidency?51 Why is this alleged bastion of liberalism, on the very
morning I wrote these words, offering words of praise and encouragement to George
W. Bush and John Ashcroft for invoking the hated Taft-Hartley legislation on behalf
of shipping companies, following a lock-out of their West Coast workers? (Has the
Wall Street Journal editorial page ever, in its entire history, taken the side of American
workers in a labor dispute?) It would later endorse for re-election the state?s
Republican/Conservative governor, George Pataki, over his capable, if unexciting, liberal
Democratic African-American opponent, Carl McCall. The Washington Post editorial
page, which is considered less liberal than the Times but liberal nevertheless, is
just swarming with conservatives, from Mr. Kelly to George Will to Robert Novak to
Charles Krauthammer, among many more. On the morning before I finally let go of
the draft manuscript of this book, the paper?s lead editorial is endorsing the president?s
plan for a ?pre-emptive? war against Iraq.53 The op-ed page was hardly less
abashed in its hawkishness. A careful study by Michael Massing published in the
Nation found, ?Collectively, its editorials, columns and Op-Eds have served mainly
to reinforce, amplify and promote the Administration?s case for regime change. And,
as the house organ for America?s political class, the paper has helped push the debate
in the Administration?s favor. . . .? If you wish to include CNN on your list of liberal
media?I don?t, but many conservatives do?then you had better find a way to
explain the near ubiquitous presence of the attack dog Robert Novak, along with
those of neocon virtuecrat William Bennett, National Review?s Kate O?Beirne,
National Review?s Jonah Goldberg, the Weekly Standard?s David Brooks, and Tucker
Carlson. This is to say nothing of the fact that among CNN?s most frequent guests
are Ann Coulter and the anti-American telepreacher Pat Robertson. Care to include
ABC News? Again, I don?t but, if you wish, how do you deal with the fact that the
only ideological commentator on its Sunday interview show is the hardline conservative
George Will? Or how about the fact that its only explicitly ideological reporter is
the deeply journalistically challenged conservative crusader John Stossel? How to
explain the entire career of Cokie Roberts, who never met a liberal to whom she could
not condescend? What about Time and Newsweek? In the former, we have Mr.
Krauthammer holding forth and in the latter Mr. Will.
I could go on almost indefinitely here, but the point is clear. Conservatives are
extremely well represented in every facet of the media. The correlative point here is
that even the genuine liberal media is not so liberal. And it is no match?either in
size, ferocity, or commitment?for the massive conservative media structure that,
more than ever, determines the shape and scope of our political agenda.