Wal-Mart: Enduring Bargain Or Sunset Of Our Middle Class?
Neal Peirce
While bargain-hunting Americans flock into Wal-Mart's thousands of retail stores this free-spending holiday season, an incipient movement is taking shape that is bent on curbing America's retail leviathan, now the single largest corporation on the face of the globe.
Admittedly, the opponents are relatively few, their resources minuscule against a corporation that last year sold a quarter-trillion dollars worth of goods. But a collection of civic activists and very alarmed unions, along with a handful of politicos and wounded manufacturers, has begun the tough process.
It surely won't be easy. Wal-Mart is at once smart, crafty, frugal and fearsomely efficient. It frequently browbeats suppliers, demanding ever-lower prices, but it pays its bills promptly. It compensates "associates" so little that most can't support a family on what they earn, but it's made retailing history in its demands for precise on-time performance and constant trimming of costs. It reacts instantly, contests labor law to stop union organizing of its 1.2 million workers. Yet its low prices have helped restrain U.S. inflation, and its squeezing of costs is credited with 4 percent of the total U.S. productivity increase from 1995 to 1999.
Founder Sam Walton's brilliant original insight -- offering dramatically lower prices that draw herds of shoppers away from competitors -- continues to work like a charm. Wal-Mart's niche is rooted in the Achilles' heel of American thrift: our notion that a good bargain is a pleasure of which we ought never deprive ourselves.
Yet at what price? Inexorably, notes former Labor Secretary Robert Reich, consumers' addiction to low prices is speeding the United States toward a two-tiered economy, with a shrinking middle class and larger share of low-wage workers. "We have split brains," Reich recently told the Los Angeles Times. "The half of our brain that wants the best deal prevails."
Sam Walton's "Buy American" promise of the '80s is now a cruel joke as 50 percent to 60 percent of Wal-Mart's goods are made in factories of such nations as China, Bangladesh and Honduras, often by workers earning just pennies an hour.
As Los Angeles Times writers Nancy Cleeland and Abigail Goldman note in a new investigative series: "By squeezing suppliers to cut wholesale costs, Wal-Mart has hastened the flight of U.S. manufacturing jobs overseas. By scouring the globe for the cheapest goods, it has driven factory jobs from one poor nation to another."
The current big battle is a Southern California strike of 70,000 workers, led by the United Food and Commercial Workers Union (UFCW), to stop four major grocery chains there -- Vons and Pavillions, Ralphs and Albertsons -- from cutting store clerks' medical benefits by 50 percent. Why the cost-cutting effort? Forty Wal-Mart grocery-selling Supercenters are set to enter Southern California, imperiling the existing chains' profits. Eight thousand Teamster drivers recently joined the strike, now two months old.
The UFCW has been trying hard to organize Wal-Mart directly, only to encounter hardball -- and so-far successful -- anti-union campaigns directed from the retailer's Bentonville, Ark., headquarters.
In California cities such as Oakland, Bakersfield and Los Angeles, local ordinances have been drafted to stop Wal-Mart superstores. Wal-Mart is retaliating by getting local politicos to lobby its projects through planning bureaucracies. In some cases it's plied groups like the Urban League with major contributions. And it's threatened to mount popular local initiatives to overturn hostile ordinances.
For years individual communities have fought to stop Wal-Marts -- with isolated successes. New Orleans attorney William Borah had been leading a prolonged fight to stop a 200,000-square-foot Wal-Mart, with parking for 825 vehicles, proposed for the historic, pedestrian-scale Lower Garden District.
Local officials, failing to recognize the difference between a job-producing factory and
Wal-Marts (which studies indicate are likely to cost three jobs for every two they create), have generally backed new stores -- up to now, anyway.
But Rep. Earl Blumenauer, head of the U.S. House Livable Communities Task Force, counsels them to take a new tack. Wal-Marts, he warns, pay rock-bottom wages, "weaken the sense of community and of place, actually lower the value of other commercial and residential properties, and force expenditures for expensive infrastructure."
Wal-Marts, observes Seattle planner Mark Hinshaw, "ravage communities economically and socially," and with their "warehouse-type buildings, spiritually as well."
Two Los Angeles newspaper readers (Larry Wiener and Carl Martz) summarize the current economic case perhaps best -- that Wal-Mart, in its globalized race to push wages to the bottom, is a corporation "gone amok," the opposite of how Ford and General Motors brought people into America's middle class.
Their solution? "Civil society needs to balance capitalism if it is to work for the entire population." If not, "tooth-and-claw competition will lead to the sunset of the middle class in America."