Originally posted by: palehorse
Originally posted by: loki8481
Originally posted by: palehorse
Originally posted by: jonks
Originally posted by: Genx87
I havent been following this too much. But does the court outlaw military tribunals? What I fear from this decision is any future conflict will flood our courts with POWs. Or does this only apply to people labeled as enemy combatants?
IIRC, POWs don't get to challenge their detention b/c they are to be held and released "at the end of hostilities." You don't capture enemy soldiers and then release them prior to the end of a war so they can jump back onto the battlefield.
The problem with "enemy combatants" in the current WoT context is that there is no measure to define 'ongoing hostilities' resulting in essentially a permanent detainment.
I don't think anyone has to worry about some flood of POW's petitioning for hearings because POWs don't get hearings, since they automatically get set free at the end of a war. Enemy Combatant's must get some form of hearing else they will sit forever in a cell, since there is no triggerable end date at which they will be sent home.
The conundrum we face is that, like POW's released prior to the end of hostilities, enemy combatants who are released, at any point, will return to the battlefields to continue fighting against us.
So what then? How can we prevent them from returning to the fight AND eliminate their indefinite confinement, which I agree is unjust and inhumane?
couldn't we just classify them as POW's (though then they'd be subject to the geneva conventions, which GWB & co seem to hate)
The Geneva convention is still applied to the treatment of enemy combatants -- just less so. That said, they cannot be given true "POW Status" because they do not represent any nation-state that we have a declared war with, or by the definition of such in the GC's themselves. Also, even as POW's, since they do not represent any specific nation-state, how will we determine when "hostilities are ended"?
They are more criminal than POW, but the evidence used to detain and prosecute them is too highly classified and "loose" for normal trials and systems. That said, they're also much too dangerous to simply let go after X number of years.
So, once again, we're right back where we started... now what?
Depends rather a lot on your definition of what constitutes "an act of war". Certainly setting off bombs in an 'enemy's' home territory or assassinating public figures or private citizens is an act of aggression; but are you "at war" with the bombers if they serve only themselves and/or belong to a non-state entity or network? Who are you "at war" with?
This is yet another example of applying wartime rationale to the "War on Terror," a fallacy which should have been vigorously challenged from the beginning. The phrase "War on Terror" is a contradiction on its face, as you cannot declare war on a feeling or, in the case of "Terrorism," a tactic or strategy.
Even with today's decision affirming habeas corpus as a right that even the Bush Administration and its allies in Congress cannot abolish, this administration and succeeding ones can continue to claim the U.S. is in a perpetual state of war on "terror" unless Congress affirmatively acts to protect the Constitution and our fundamental liberties.
Because our Nation?s past military conflicts have been of limited duration, it has been possible to leave the outer boundaries of war powers undefined.
The next Congress and President should promptly enact a law to clarify the legal nature of our fight against the use of mass terror tactics. That law should clarify that our intelligence and, when necessary, military commitments to avoid and punish the use of terror attacks against Americans - and all civilized people - consists of the pursuit of international criminals outside the protection of any state.
This is not a war but is the same as efforts to obtain protection from and justice against terrorists ranging from the Barbary pirates to the Baader-Meinhof gang. If any state, like Afghanistan before 9/11 or arguably Pakistan currently, sponsors or assists groups planning or using mass terror, the traditional notion of war against that specific state may be appropriate.
What we should have learned from this reckless administration is that the 1984-like use of perpetual war is as much a risk from a radical right-wing government, manipulating a panicked and accommodationist Congress, as from any radical left-wing one. And we might ask ourselves why the lesson of Germany from 1933 to 1945 wasn't sufficiently instructive.