Rudy can sum it up better than I can...
AN UGLY STALL
By RUDOLPH GIULIANI
February 10, 2003 -- LET me share with you a great American success story.
A 17-year-old named Miguel Estrada immigrates to this country from Honduras, speaking only a few words of English. He attends Columbia College, making Phi Beta Kappa and graduating magna cum laude, then Harvard Law School, becoming editor of the Law Review.
Next, he serves as a clerk first to U.S. Court of Appeals Judge Amalya L. Kearse (a President Carter appointee), and then to Supreme Court Justice Anthony M. Kennedy. From there, he joins the Solicitor General's Office, serving as assistant to the solicitor general of the United States for a year under President George H.W. Bush and for four years under President Clinton.
Then Estrada becomes a partner in a prestigious private law practice - yet finds the time to perform significant pro bono service, including some four hundred hours representing a death row inmate before the Supreme Court.
In recognition of his special abilities and achievements, President Bush nominates Miguel Estrada to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. He is supported by no fewer than 16 Hispanic groups, who express enormous pride at the prospect of the first Hispanic joining one of America's most prestigious courts. Also supporting him are numerous prominent Democrats, including President Clinton's solicitor general and Vice President Gore's counselor and chief of Staff.
Sounds pretty good? Well, here's where this story runs the risk of a most unhappy - and unfair - ending.
For nearly two years, Senate Democrats have delayed action on the nomination of Miguel Estrada.
Citing no specific issues, Democratic senators vaguely alluded to Estrada being "way out of the mainstream." Others raised equally hollow charges - all of which have not only kept Estrada from getting the vote he deserves, but denied the American people of a talented and effective jurist.
Obviously, the fact that the Judiciary Committee was controlled by the Democrats until this year helped delay action. Last week, the committee finally voted to approve Estrada's nomination, hewing strictly to party lines. But now a few Democratic senators want to prevent a vote before the full Senate by way of a filibuster.
Despite all the racket, the knocks against Estrada are so easily dismissed that it is difficult to see them as anything other than a thin veil disguising his detractors' true motives. Let's take a look at them:
Some note that Estrada lacks judicial experience. Yet five of the eight judges now on the D.C. circuit had no previous judicial experience - including Chief Judge Harry Edwards, who when President Carter appointed him in 1979 was even younger than Estrada is now. Indeed, several Supreme Court justices - including Byron White and Chief Justice William Rehnquist - had never been judges when they were named to the land's highest court.
Estrada no rookie. He has argued 15 cases before the Supreme Court and was a highly respected Assistant U.S. Attorney in my old office, the Southern District of New York. And the American Bar Association unanimously gave him its highest rating - "well qualified," a designation that some of the very senators who now oppose him have called the "gold standard."
Some object that the Bush administration won't produce memoranda from Estrada in the Solicitor General's Office. Bear in mind the Solicitor General's function: His office represents the United States in court - in other words, the government is his client. Why would a client or his attorney choose to reveal their private and privileged communications?
The zeal to read a nominee's private memoranda seems to apply only to this nominee. Seven past nominees to the Courts of Appeals had worked in the Solicitor General's office - yet not one was asked to disclose attorney-client memoranda. And every living former Solicitor General - including Democrats Archibald Cox, Seth Waxman and Walter Dellinger - signed a letter to the Judiciary Committee stating that sharing these confidential memos would damage the Justice Department's ability to represent the United States before the Supreme Court.
Some civil-rights groups complain that in private practice, Estrada defended anti-loitering laws. In truth, he was retained by the Democratic City Solicitor of Chicago to defend the constitutionality of the anti-gang ordinances of Democratic Mayor Richard M. Daley.
Miguel Estrada brings a proven ability to work with others in a fair and constructive way, and his appeal is not limited to any set of ideological backers. President Clinton's Solicitor General, Seth Waxman, called his former colleague a "model of professionalism and "competence" and described his "great respect both for Mr. Estrada's intellect and for his "integrity." Ronald Klain, former Counselor to Vice President Gore, wrote: "Miguel is a person of outstanding character, tremendous intellect, and with a deep commitment to the faithful application of precedent."
The Senate must fulfill its duty to consider the appropriateness of judicial nominees. But that "advice and consent" was never meant to empower special-interest groups to hijack the appointments of abundantly qualified, eminently decent nominees.
If senators who feel it's their right to let special-interest agendas derail Estrada, the judiciary will lose a wonderful opportunity. Far worse, the entire system will have fallen victim to narrow and misguided attempts to thwart the Constitution.
The stalling of Miguel Estrada's confirmation has been not only unseemly and demeaning, but a perversion of the system of judicial selection. It is also the escalation of a dangerous trend. In their first two years in office, Presidents Bill Clinton, George H.W. Bush and Ronald Reagan saw more than 90 percent of their nominees to federal appeals courts confirmed. In the first two years of this administration, the figure is barely 50 percent.
Some say that's because President Bush isn't nominating qualified individuals. But Miguel Estrada clearly puts the lie to that suggestion.
I urge the Senate to allow this worthy man a vote. I urge the Senate not to underestimate what a fair vote will mean to Hispanic all across America.
I feel certain the result will be a confirmation - another wonderful chapter in a true American success story.