Springtime for Killing in Afghanistan

BBond

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Oct 3, 2004
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For those of you who still believe everything is going just swimmingly in Afghanistan...

Springtime for Killing in Afghanistan

By ERIC SCHMITT
Published: May 28, 2006

TO most Americans, Afghanistan has been a war of great clarity, the opposite of the war in Iraq with all its troubles and cloudy origins. Attacking in a moment of unified anger, with global allies beside it, the United States had a clear mission: respond to an assault on American soil by driving Al Qaeda fighters from their bases in a country undeniably tied to the terrorism of Sept. 11, 2001.

Victory over the Taliban government was swift, and the aftermath gratifying: Afghans welcomed American troops and aid workers, and seemed to settle into a pattern, however fitful and difficult, that would lead to recovery, stability and increasingly democratic government. And this summer Americans would start drawing down forces in southern Afghanistan, replaced by British, Canadian, Dutch and Australians under NATO command.

Or so Americans thought.

In the last six weeks, a resurgent Taliban has surprised the Americans with the ferocity of its annual spring offensive and set some officials here to worrying that the United States might become tied down in a prolonged battle as control slips away from the central government ? in favor of the movement that harbored Al Qaeda before 2001. And the number of American troops has quietly risen, not fallen.

"Afghanistan is the sleeper crisis of this summer," says John J. Hamre, who was deputy defense secretary from 1997 to 1999.

Not only have officials been surprised by the breadth of the militants' presence and the brazenness of their suicide attacks, roadside bombings and assaults by large units. They have also had to face up to the formidable entrenched obstacles to transforming Afghan society: the deep rivalries among ethnic groups, warlords and tribal leaders; the history of civil war; the trouble central governments have in extending their writ beyond the capital; and the hostility toward efforts to attack poppy growing and drug smuggling, which give many a livelihood.

The Taliban benefit from all those weaknesses. Their fighters have joined forces with drug smugglers against the government and Western troops. And they have gained sympathy from fellow Pashtuns in Pakistan who, a decade ago, helped them seize power in Afghanistan in the first place.

With all of that figuring in the current turmoil, the Pentagon is now rethinking the pace of its plan to draw down the forces there. In fact, it beefed up troop levels to as high as 23,000 from 19,000 in recent months, including more helicopters and crews, engineers and infantry troops, even as its allies fell short in delivering the forces that might have let many Americans come home.

The recent fighting, the fiercest since 2001, has been mainly in three southern provinces where the Taliban have traditionally been strong, and where NATO is scheduled to take over. That planned shift seems to help explain the Taliban's timing.

According to American military officials, the Taliban began preparing to ramp up the violence once it became clear that NATO planned to bring in 6,000 troops to replace Americans. Hard fighting, the Taliban presumably calculated, would test the allies' commitment to stand and fight, and the will of Western voters to support a fight.

"It was to be expected that the Taliban would exploit the fact that we are changing from one operation to the other," said Rear Adm. Michiel B. Hijmans, defense attaché at the Dutch Embassy here. His country has about 1,300 troops in Oruzgan province.

At the same time, British and Afghan Army forces for the first time pushed into parts of northern Helmand province, the center of the illicit poppy-growing region, drawing fire from drug traffickers and increasing the number of Taliban fighters whom the traffickers hired for security.

Military commanders say the emboldened Taliban fighters have now shattered a sense of relative calm and political stability in the south, terrorizing residents who already were skeptical that the government could offer security and services in the hinterlands. Militants have set off 32 suicide bombs, 6 more than in all of 2005, Pentagon officials say. The number of roadside bombs is up 30 percent over a year ago, with insurgents getting designs off the Internet.

And in the past two weeks, Taliban fighters have appeared in battle in groups of up to 300 men, more than triple the size of the largest groups seen before. The militants draw not only from hardened fighters spirited in from sanctuaries in Pakistan, but from impoverished farmers who are paid $4 for every rocket they launch at allied troops.

"It's fair to say the Taliban influence in certain areas is stronger than it was last year," Lt. Gen. Karl Eikenberry, the senior American commander in Afghanistan, said earlier this month.

Meanwhile, the Americans are finding the Pakistanis much more reluctant to face down the Taliban ? who are brethren from the Pashtun ethnic group that dominates in Afghanistan ? than they have been to confront Al Qaeda, who are largely outsiders. "Has Pakistan done enough? I think the answer is no," Henry A. Crumpton, the American coordinator for counterterrorism, said in Kabul this month, in comments that Pakistani officials protested. "Not only Al Qaeda, but Taliban leadership are primarily in Pakistan, and the Pakistanis know that."

The pitched battles in southern Afghanistan have left more than 250 people dead, and by last week their impact was competing with Iran and Iraq for the attention of policy makers in Washington.

After President Bush met with his National Security Council on Afghanistan last week, administration officials played down the notion that any big changes in policy were considered for Afghanistan, where American assistance has totaled $10.3 billion so far. But lawmakers and their aides summoned Pentagon intelligence analysts for classified briefings and suggested that the violence might force a re-evaluation of the plan to reduce American troop levels there to about 16,500 by this fall.

"The handoff to NATO is the right thing to do, but we should certainly assess our troop presence there," said Senator John McCain, Republican of Arizona. "If you study the Iraq war, one of the major reasons for our difficulties clearly is that we never had enough troops on the ground, ever."

As a result, plans for NATO to take control of American forces in eastern Afghanistan by year's end may be postponed until early next year to assess NATO's effectiveness in the south, said a senior administration official who was granted anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. "We've made tremendous progress in Afghanistan and no one wants to endanger that progress or move too quickly to satisfy some external deadline or agenda," the official said.

General Eikenberry said he expected a fierce summer but thought that the fighting would die down by the fall. Even after NATO assumes control in the south, perhaps in late July, the United States will still be the largest contributor of troops in Afghanistan, hunting terrorists, training Afghan soldiers and the police, and supporting Afghan counternarcotics missions.

"I'm more concerned in the long term about the results of the drug war in Afghanistan than I am about resurgent Taliban," said Gen. James L. Jones, a Marine officer who is the NATO military commander. In the end, these officials say, if the Afghan police and Army can hold their own against the Taliban and bring security, the Afghan people will welcome that. The government and its NATO allies have not lost the people yet, they say. But it is getting close to that.

This is all because The Fool ran off to invade Iraq for no damn reason at all while ignoring the real "war on terror" and its perpetrators who still roam free in Afghanistan.

 

BBond

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Oct 3, 2004
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BTW, Gore knew...

An anti-Hussein hawk who was among the rare Senate Democrats to vote for the first gulf war, Mr. Gore forecast the disasters lying in wait for the second when he spoke out at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco on Sept. 23, 2002. He saw that the administration was jumping "from one unfinished task to another" and risked letting Afghanistan destabilize and Osama bin Laden flee. He saw that the White House was recklessly putting politics over policy by hurrying a Congressional war resolution before the midterm elections (and before securing international support). Most important, he noticed then that the administration had "not said much of anything" about "what would follow regime change." He imagined how "chaos in the aftermath of a military victory in Iraq could easily pose a far greater danger to the United States than we presently face from Saddam."

At the time, the White House professed to ignore Mr. Gore's speech, but on cue in the next five days Condoleezza Rice, Ari Fleischer, Donald Rumsfeld and the president all stepped up the hype of what Mr. Rumsfeld falsely called "bulletproof" evidence of links between Saddam and Al Qaeda. Democratic leaders in Congress, meanwhile, blew off Mr. Gore for fear that talk of Iraq might distract the electorate from all those compelling domestic issues that would guarantee victory in the midterms. (That brilliant strategy cost Democrats the Senate.) On CNN, a representative from The New Republic, a frequent Gore cheerleader, reported that "the vast majority of the staff" condemned his speech as "the bitter rantings of a guy who is being politically motivated and disingenuous in his arguments."

But in truth, as with global warming, Mr. Gore's stands on Iraq (both in 1991 and 2002) were manifestations of leadership ? the single attribute most missing from the current Democrats with presidential ambitions.

The Cannes Landslide for Al Gore

By FRANK RICH
Published: May 28, 2006

LET it never be said that the Democrats don't believe in anything. They still believe in Hollywood and they still believe in miracles. Witness the magical mystery comeback tour of Al Gore.

Like Michael Moore's "Fahrenheit 9/11" before it, Mr. Gore's new documentary about global warming, "An Inconvenient Truth," has wowed the liberal caucus at Cannes (who needs landlocked Iowa?) and fueled fantasies of political victory back home. "Al Gore Takes Cannes by Storm ? Will the Oval Office Be Next?" Arianna Huffington asks on her blog, reporting that the former vice president was hotter on the Croisette than Tom Hanks, Bruce Willis and Penelope Cruz. In a "fantasy" presidential poll on the liberal Web site Daily Kos, Mr. Gore racks up a landslide 68 percent, with the closest also-ran, Russ Feingold, at 15. Liberal Washington pundits wonder whether the wonkishness that seemed off-putting in 2000 may actually be a virtue. In choosing a president, Margaret Carlson writes on Bloomberg.com, maybe "we should give a rest to that old saw about likeability."

Still, the unexpected rebirth of Al Gore says more about the desperation of the Democrats than it does about him. He is most of all the beneficiary of a perfect storm of events, the right man in the right place at the right time. It was just after Mr. Gore appeared on "Saturday Night Live" to kick off his movie's publicity campaign that long-rumbling discontent with the party's presumptive (if unannounced) presidential front-runner, Hillary Clinton, boiled over. Last week both New York magazine and The New Yorker ran lead articles quoting party insiders who described a Clinton candidacy in 2008 as a pox tantamount to avian flu. The Times jumped in with a front-page remembrance of headlines past: a dissection of the Clinton marriage.

If Senator Clinton is the Antichrist, might not it be time for a resurrected messiah to inherit (and save) the earth? Enter Mr. Gore, celebrated by New York on its cover as "The Un-Hillary."

There's a certain logic to this. Mrs. Clinton does look like a weak candidate ? not so much because of her marriage, her gender or her liberalism, but because of her eagerness to fudge her stands on anything and everything to appeal to any and all potential voters. Where once she inspired passions pro and con, now she often induces apathy. Her most excited constituency seems to be the right-wing pundits who still hope to make a killing with books excoriating her. At least eight fresh titles are listed at Amazon.com, including my own personal favorite, "Liberal Fascism: The Totalitarian Temptation From Mussolini to Hillary Clinton." (Why settle for Il Duce when you can go for Hitler?)

Since no crowd-pleasing Democratic challenger has emerged at this early date to disrupt Mrs. Clinton's presumed coronation, the newly crowned movie star who won the popular vote in 2000 is the quick fix. Better the defeated devil the Democrats know than the losers they don't. Besides, there are at least two strong arguments in favor of Mr. Gore. He was way ahead of the Washington curve, not just on greenhouse gases but on another issue far more pressing than Mrs. Clinton's spirited crusade to stamp out flag burning: Iraq.

An anti-Hussein hawk who was among the rare Senate Democrats to vote for the first gulf war, Mr. Gore forecast the disasters lying in wait for the second when he spoke out at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco on Sept. 23, 2002. He saw that the administration was jumping "from one unfinished task to another" and risked letting Afghanistan destabilize and Osama bin Laden flee. He saw that the White House was recklessly putting politics over policy by hurrying a Congressional war resolution before the midterm elections (and before securing international support). Most important, he noticed then that the administration had "not said much of anything" about "what would follow regime change." He imagined how "chaos in the aftermath of a military victory in Iraq could easily pose a far greater danger to the United States than we presently face from Saddam."

At the time, the White House professed to ignore Mr. Gore's speech, but on cue in the next five days Condoleezza Rice, Ari Fleischer, Donald Rumsfeld and the president all stepped up the hype of what Mr. Rumsfeld falsely called "bulletproof" evidence of links between Saddam and Al Qaeda. Democratic leaders in Congress, meanwhile, blew off Mr. Gore for fear that talk of Iraq might distract the electorate from all those compelling domestic issues that would guarantee victory in the midterms. (That brilliant strategy cost Democrats the Senate.) On CNN, a representative from The New Republic, a frequent Gore cheerleader, reported that "the vast majority of the staff" condemned his speech as "the bitter rantings of a guy who is being politically motivated and disingenuous in his arguments."

But in truth, as with global warming, Mr. Gore's stands on Iraq (both in 1991 and 2002) were manifestations of leadership ? the single attribute most missing from the current Democrats with presidential ambitions. Of the potential candidates for 2008, only Senator Feingold raised similar questions about the war so articulately so early. The Gore stand on the environment, though still rejected by the president and his oil-industry base, has become a bipartisan cause: 86 evangelical Christian leaders broke with the administration's do-nothing policy in February.

If this were the whole picture, Mr. Gore would seem the perfect antidote to the Democrats' ills. But it's not. The less flattering aspect of Mr. Gore has not gone away: the cautious and contrived presidential candidate who, like Mrs. Clinton now, was so in thrall to consultants that he ran away from his own administration's record and muted his views, even about pet subjects like science. (He waffled on the teaching of creationism in August 1999, after the Kansas Board of Education struck down the teaching of evolution.) That Gore is actually accentuated, not obscured, by "An Inconvenient Truth." The more hard-hitting his onscreen slide show about global warming, the more he reminds you of how much less he focused on the issue in 2000. Gore the uninhibited private citizen is not the same as Gore the timid candidate.

Though many of the rave reviews don't mention it, there are also considerable chunks of "An Inconvenient Truth" that are more about hawking Mr. Gore's image than his cause. They also bring back unflattering memories of him as a politician. The movie contains no other voices that might upstage him, not even those of scientists supporting his argument. It is instead larded with sycophantic audiences, as meticulously multicultural as any Benetton ad, who dote on every word and laugh at every joke, like the studio audience at "Live With Regis and Kelly."

We are also treated to a heavy-handed, grainy glimpse of Katherine Harris, Michael Moore-style, and are reminded that Mr. Gore is not a rigid blue-state N.R.A. foe (he shows us where he shot his rifle as a farm kid in Tennessee). There's even an ingenious bit of fearmongering to go head to head with the Republicans' exploitation of 9/11: in a worst-case climactic scenario, we're told, the World Trade Center memorial "would be under water." Given so blatant a political context, the film's big emotional digressions ? Mr. Gore's tragic near-loss of his young son and the death of his revered older sister from lung cancer ? are as discomforting as they were in his 1992 and 1996 convention speeches.

If "An Inconvenient Truth" isn't actually a test drive for a presidential run, it's the biggest tease since Colin Powell encouraged speculation about his political aspirations during his 1995 book tour. Mr. Gore's nondenial denials about his ambitions (he has "no plans" to run) are Clintonesque. Told by John Heilemann of New York magazine that his movie sometimes feels like a campaign film, Mr. Gore gives a disingenuous answer that triggers an instant flashback to his equivocation about weightier matters during the 2000 debates: "Audiences don't see the movie as political. Paramount did a number of focus-group screenings, and that was very clear." You want to scream: stop this man before he listens to a focus group again!

Even so, let's hope Mr. Gore runs. He may not be able to pull off the Nixon-style comeback of some bloggers' fantasies, but by pounding away on his best issues, he could at the very least play the role of an Adlai Stevenson or Wendell Willkie, patriotically goading the national debate onto higher ground. "I think the war looms over everything," said Karl Rove this month in bemoaning his boss's poll numbers. It looms over the Democrats, too. But the party's leaders would rather let John Murtha take the heat on Iraq; they don't even have the guts to endorse tougher fuel economy standards in their "new" energy policy. While a Gore candidacy could not single-handedly save the Democrats from themselves any more than his movie can vanquish "X-Men" at the multiplex, it might at least force the party powers that be to start facing some inconvenient but necessary truths.

It's all about facing the truth. Something America is loathe to do.

Considering the reckless road The Fool has led this nation down, America's aversion to the truth is no surprise at all.
 

tommywishbone

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May 11, 2005
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Bloody Sunday. Mission acomplished.
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Afghans riot after U.S. accident; 8 dead By AMIR SHAH, Associated Press Writer, 34 minutes ago, Sunday, May 29.

KABUL, Afghanistan - Violent anti-foreigner protests raged across the capital Monday after a U.S. military truck crashed into traffic, touching off the worst rioting since the Taliban's ouster. At least eight people died and 107 were injured before Kabul's streets calmed.

Chanting "Death to America," rioters stoned the U.S. convoy involved in the accident then headed to the center of town, ransacking offices of international aid groups and searching for foreigners in a display of rising resentment over civilian deaths in the war against insurgents.

Gunfire, at times intense, rang out across Kabul as hundreds of young men looted shops and set fire to police cars and station houses. Some people said U.S. and Afghan troops fired on the crowds. Officials said they couldn't say whether that happened.

The U.S.-backed Afghan government decreed a nighttime curfew and the city quieted before sunset. Yousuf Stanezai, an Interior Ministry spokesman, warned that anyone found outside between 10 p.m and 4 a.m. would suffer "serious measures."

President Hamzid Karzai went on television Monday night to decry the outburst, branding the rioters as troublemakers who should be resisted and linking their violence to the long years of conflict that wrecked Afghanistan.

"We will recognize as the enemy of Afghanistan these people who do these things," Karzai said. "You should stand up against these agitators and not let them to destroy our country again."

Patience with the 23,000 U.S. soldiers and other foreign troops in Afghanistan is fraying over recent deaths of civilians, including at least 16 people killed by an airstrike targeting Taliban fighters in a village last week.

The civilian deaths have come during some of the fiercest fighting since a U.S.-led coalition drove the Taliban religious militia from power at the end of 2001, after the regime refused to hand over Osama bin Laden and close al-Qaida camps following the Sept. 11 attacks.

Much of the bloodshed is in the south, where officials reported a battle Monday killed six militants and wounded five Canadian soldiers. Elsewhere, warplanes of the U.S.-led coalition bombed a suspected Taliban meeting late Sunday and dozens of militants were reported killed, Afghan authorities said.

While most Afghans support the presence of foreign troops to stabilize a country devastated by a quarter century of war and civil conflict, many also harbor resentment at the outsiders.

Those feelings have surfaced with increasing regularity in the past year, during violent protests over allegations the Quran was desecrated at the U.S. prison at Guantanamo Bay and the publication in European newspapers of cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad.

"We don't want Americans in our country. They don't care about poor people. They killed innocent people today and this is not the first time," said Abdul Shakoor, a 28-year-old who joined in the protests after Monday's traffic accident. "They do it all the time and in the end they say it was a mistake. It's not acceptable to us anymore."

The U.S. military expressed regret for the crash, which it said occurred when a mechanical malfunction sent a large cargo truck careening into about a dozen vehicles at an intersection. The military was investigating the incident.

The U.S.-led coalition said at least one person was killed and six injured in the crash, while Afghan authorities gave higher but differing tolls. A statement from Karzai's office said five died in the accident. Police said three were killed and 16 were injured.

"This was a tragic incident and we deeply regret any deaths or injuries resulting from this incident," a U.S. military spokesman, Col. Thomas Collins, said in a statement.

A Kabul police chief, Sher Shah Usafi, said another person was killed when U.S. troops fired into a crowd of stone-throwing protesters soon after the crash. U.S. military officials said they couldn't confirm that.

An Associated Press reporter saw Afghan security forces fire at protesters, wounding at least three people.

Abdullah Fahim, a Health Ministry spokesman, said eight bodies were delivered to hospitals in Kabul and 107 Afghans were treated for injuries. He had no details on how the casualties occurred, and it wasn't immediately clear if the toll included people from the traffic accident.

Fahim said there were no foreigners among the dead or wounded.

The rioting spread from the accident site in northern Kabul to the center of the city, where hundreds of Afghan soldiers and NATO peacekeepers in tanks deployed.

Chanting protesters marched on the presidential palace and rioters smashed police guard boxes, set fire to police cars and ransacked buildings, including the compound of the aid group CARE International.

An AP reporter saw demonstrators pull a man who appeared to be a Westerner from a civilian vehicle and beat him. The man escaped and ran to a line of police, who fired gunshots over the heads of the demonstrators.

Some protesters said they were targeting non-Afghans.

"Today's demonstration is because Americans killed innocent people. We will not stop until foreigners leave the city. We are looking for foreigners to kill," said one protester, Gulam Ghaus.

AP reporters heard several 20-second bursts of heavy automatic gunfire coming from the direction of the U.S. Embassy. It subsided but shots were then heard sporadically before the city calmed.

Staff at the U.S. Embassy were moved to a secure location within the heavily fortified compound, said Chris Harris, an embassy spokesman. He had no information on the gunfire heard near the mission.

A purported Taliban spokesman said the riots showed Americans don't support Afghanistan.

"Recent attacks on civilians in southern Afghanistan and today's firing on people in Kabul show that Americans consider the whole Afghan nation as their enemies," said Mohammed Hanif, who contacted an AP reporter in Pakistan by satellite phone from an undisclosed location.

Hanif claims to speak for the hard-line militia but his links to its leadership are unclear.

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BBond

Diamond Member
Oct 3, 2004
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But, but, but...king george said Afghanistan is a huge success!

:roll:

Only fools believe a The Fool.