you may wish to read the next paragraph:
In other words, five-sixths or more of the cases of proven election discrimination from 1957 through 2013 have taken place in jurisdictions subject to Section 5 oversight ‑ which would mean very skillful targeting for any government program.
I don't think this really counters his main argument of old data/outdated formula.
Follow that paragraph with the graph, where section 5 objections and cases was below ten for most years from ~1995 to 2006, and you're practically supporting the argument of old data/outdated formula.
Until you post something for a data pool covering say 1995 to 2005(the ten years prior to the last renewal) or just post-2000 data. You're not going to convince people the 1965 formula is still relevant.
I am not sure why you believe it does not counter the "old data" argument that people keep putting forth. We already know that there were 15,000 pages of Congressional Record on the subject and without sifting through those 15,000 pages, I would imagine that the various federal cases alleging VRA violations would be among those 15,000 pages of discussion, witness hearings, and debates about amendments to section 4 and 5 that were ultimately rejected.
You also point to the graph in that blog, to which I have a couple of points to make. First, the graph and article address the drop in cases due to the
Shaw v. Reno, which made it more difficult to object to discrimination. Secondly, even at its peak, there were less than 90 cases a year. From the information on that graph, I would gather that there are a limited amount of voting changes in any particular jurisdiction at any given time.
Lastly, I would point out that the VRA had a bailout provision for those jurisdictions that could demonstrate that they were no longer under the purview of section 5. The rules for bailout are as follows:
The successful "bailout" applicant must demonstrate that during the past ten years:
(1) No test or device has been used within the jurisdiction for the purpose or with the effect of voting discrimination;
(2) All changes affecting voting have been reviewed under Section 5 prior to their implementation;
(3) No change affecting voting has been the subject of an objection by the Attorney General or the denial of a Section 5 declaratory judgment from the District of Columbia district court;
(4) There have been no adverse judgments in lawsuits alleging voting discrimination;
(5) There have been no consent decrees or agreements that resulted in the abandonment of a discriminatory voting practice;
(6) There are no pending lawsuits that allege voting discrimination; and
(7) Federal examiners have not been assigned;
(8) There have been no violations of the Constitution or federal, state or local laws with respect to voting discrimination unless the jurisdiction establishes that any such violations were trivial, were promptly corrected, and were not repeated.
For a listing of jurisdictions that have been bailed out who were once under the purview of section 5:
http://www.justice.gov/crt/about/vot/misc/sec_4.php#bailout
Taking the fact that a clear majority of discriminatory voting laws are being enacted in jurisdictions under the purview of section 5 and that these same jurisdictions have had 40 years to show that they are no longer in violation of the VRA in order to remove themselves from the purview of section 5, I do not see the point of giving these same jurisdictions a free pass to get out of section 5 purview. Even if the test to be placed under section 5 pre-clearance is from 1972, there were clear rules to allow for these jurisdictions to exit that purview. Once exited, it would be difficult for them to be placed back under section 5 purview if, as these jurisdictions claimed, the section 4 rules were outdated (since most of these jurisdictions would not satisfy the requirements set forth by section 4).