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Lifer
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?Iran?s recent history has been a continuous struggle to make Iranian?s masters in their own house.?
-John Limbert, Iran at War with History, Pg, 83
Iran is synonymous with an eternal struggle for power. Invaded from infancy by Arabs, Seljuk Turks, and Mongols Iran has always defaulted to a strong national individuality to defend itself against these aggressors (McCuen, 09). This past century, however, has seen an Iran that has continually foreshadowed the breakout of the 1980 Iran Iraq War. The events leading up to the war began with a seemingly unrelated and distant event. In 1906, due to civil discontent, a constitutional revolution took place in Iran, leaving a disbanded and weak government to run the nation (Limbert, 84). Although the discovery of oil deposits within its borders in 1908 would aid the country financially, it could not subdue the war that had gone on for two years at this stage (McCuen, 10). Regrettably, the civil war caused by the 1906 revolution would go on to last a total of 15 years, causing untold casualties and destroying the Iranian economy (Limbert, 84). With the government in disarray, Iran was fortunate in that it was never attacked, never dissolved, and never faced the threat of a hoplarchy (Limbert). In an attempt to restore order, three candidates were selected for the country?s top office, one of which was Reza Khan Mirpanj. Of these candidates, Reza Khan was the most powerful. Having served as commander of the Persian Cossack Brigade up through the First World War, Reza Khan had a presence that was unmatched by the other candidates (Limbert). In 1921, with the help of pro-British liberals, Reza Kahn participated in a bloodless coup to overthrow Iran?s weak government, and appointed himself as the Minister of War (Limbert). Having consolidated his forces for previous Kurdish raids, Reza Kahn?s standing army allowed him to easily become the de facto ruler of a now stratocratic Iran, and he was officially given the title of Prime Minister by Shah Qatar in 1923. Shortly thereafter, the Qatar dynasty was deposed in 1925 after 130 years of rule, and Reza Khan was crowned Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran and ushered in the Pahlavi dynasty that would rule Iran until 1979. With the crowning of the new Shah, the seeds of the nation state of Iran were planted, and the region would never be the same again.
Reza Shah Pahlavi was the ?blunt? and ?brutal? man without a formal education who now ruled Iran. With his heritage and his many years of military service, Reza Khan despised Persian high society and religious traditions that he believed undermined and isolated Iranian development, and he hoped to bring power and prestige to Iran. As the Shah of what was a military junta, Reza Shah was able to impose his views on all of Iran. Most notably, Reza Shah was responsible for policies that emphasized a rift between Iranian nationalism and Islam, drastically weakening the clergy, and integrating western culture and governmental styles with Iran?s own (Limbert). The effects were immediate. Although Reza Shah was officially a dictator, he made great strides in centralizing the administrative sector of the government and utilized the military in a more reserved role as protectors of the state (Limbert). This resulted in the birth of the Iranian nation state. With the creation and deployment of a powerful central administration, Reza Shah was able to pacify warring tribes and limit clerical power (Limbert). With this, Reza Shah turned his attention to Iranian culture. Throughout his reign, Reza Shah called for the unveiling of women, the abolishment of autocratic titles, and the introduction of conscription. He also ushered in the beginnings of industry, and supported urban development (Limbert). Reza Shah had accomplished all of this by serving as a supply line for the Soviets during the First World War, ad this, in addition to the radical changes he had imposed so quickly on a people that had emerged from the brink of anarchy, would serve to define the entire Pahlavi Dynasty and Iran along with it.
Although Iran had established supply lines for the Allied Soviet military during the First World War, the Allies had suspicions that Iran was a German-Axis sympathizer. In the past, Reza Shah had added communist ties to his foreign policy in an attempt to support his struggling nation, and he was adamant that Iran was to remain neutral in the Second World War (Limbert). Making matters worse, Soviets which had been stationed in Iran during the First World War had refused to withdraw. These troops were also responsible for sponsoring communist factions and eventual revolts. Although Iran eventually drove out the remaining Soviets, communist groups had already spread throughout Iran (McCuen). Reza Shah?s opponents now included Iranians themselves. By dissolving the previous autocracy, Reza Shah had censored free speech and had left many tribes without leadership. Even the nation?s youth have growing distaste for Reza Shah?s policies and saw him as a tool of the British. Finally, in 1941, British and Soviet forces launched an invasion of Iran. Reza Shah abdicated his thrown to his son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and left Iran to South Africa, where he would die as an exile in 1944 (Limbert). The allied occupation put an immediate end to the preceding autocracy, allowing politics to flourish. Mohammad Reza was now the residing Shah, and Iran?s future seemed uncertain.
Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, son of the now exiled Reza Shah, came to power as the Shah of Iran under the control of British and Russian forces. In effect, it was as if Reza Shah had ?accomplished nothing.?(Daniel, 143) Iran was now an occupied territory, once dormant tribes were arming themselves and organizing, ethnic separatism was taking hold, and the economy lay in ruins. (Daniel) Surprisingly, the Shah remained in power. In January 1942, the Tripartite Treaty was signed and the Shah was allowed to retain control of Reza Shah?s old army (Daniel, 144). This, in addition to a lack of organization on behalf of Mohammad Reza Shah?s political enemies, allowed the Shah?s power to go unchallenged and grow. Although the Tripartite Treaty promised to ?respect Iran?s integrity, sovereignty, and political independence, defend it [Iran] against aggression, and safeguard its economy,? that remained far from the truth (Daniel).
Massive quarrels began between Britain and the Soviets over control of the Iranian spoils. The British remained loyal to the Tripartite Treaty and left within six months, as it stipulated. The Soviets, however, refused to leave (Daniel, 145). In January 1946, Iran went before the United Nations, and charged the Soviet Union of ?interference in its internal affairs,? and demanded that it ?honor the commitment to withdraw its troops? (Daniel, 146). Finally, on April 5th, 1946, the Soviets agreed to pull out in return for dropping the complaint (Daniel, 147). This might have been seen as an Iranian victory for some, but it proved to be quite the contrary, As the standing Prime Minister at the time, Ahmad Qavam had made certain concessions with the Soviets to encourage their prompt departure (Daniel). The concessions were made in secret and were not brought because Qavam was up for reelection and never intended to follow through on his promises. Once government officials learned of the covert concessions, however, Qavam was promptly removed from office in 1944 (Daniel). Although Qavam was no longer in office, his false concessions would have lasting effects. Qavam had underestimated Soviet influence in Iran when he had planned this deception. Having collaborated with groups such as the Acerbaijaans and the Tudeh, Qavam unknowingly brought Soviet sympathizers into power. When Qavam was removed and his plans were finally made public, rebellions broke out, and according to a British dispatch, Qavam unwittingly ?sold his country to the Russians? (Daniel). During Qavam?s time as Prime Minister, Mohammad Reza Shah had simply watched from his palace and had let Qavam preside over the Iran. Now that Qavam was gone, Mohammad Reza Shah?s time seemed to have come. Following a failed assassination attempt at the University of Tehran that left Mohammad Reza Shah wounded, he garnered a great deal of public support and sympathy. It was this opportunity that would begin to showcase the role of Mohammad Reza Shan in the History of the Iranian nation State.
Seizing the opportunity, Mohammad Reza Shah used his assassination attempt to declare Marshall Law. Pro-soviet rebellions had dominated Iran by this time, and Mohammad Reza Shah now had the tools with which to dispel them. Under marshal law, Mohammad Reza Shah cracked down on these militants. The Shah went a step further, and proposed constitutional amendments that would give him the power to appoint fifty-percent of the parliament and the right to order its abolishment (Daniel, 148). In an overzealous fashion, the Shah went as far as restricting any criticism of the Royal Family. Although the Shah?s incident at the University of Tehran had garnered much support for his rule, decent arose due to his harsh and radical demands, although in secret at first. The Tudeh, or Royalist Party, began recruiting supporters among students and workers, while the religious groups such as the Rediayain-E Eslam, or National Front, under the leadership of Mohammad Mossadeq, sought out violent extremists (Daniel). Attempting to prevent uprisings, the government Majile Jamal Emani took an interest in Mossaddeq. Mossaddeq was a staunch supporter of the Anglo-Iranian oil Company (AIOC) as was Emani, and with that, Emani offered Mossaddeq the position of Prime Minister under the condition that he would support the AIOC, which Mossaddeq accepted ( Daniel, 149). In an epic reversal of words,, Mossaddeq turned around and dismantled the AIOC, and created the National Iranian Oil Company, or NIOC, infuriating Britain, who have profited heavily under the AIOC (Daniel, 150). In July of 1952, Mossaddeq decided to use his newfound powers to appoint a new Minister of War, but the Shah, having remained silent all throughout the dispute, denied the appointment. In protest, Mossaddeq resigned. Almost immediately, violence erupted in the streets, and in an attempt to quell the anger, the Shah reinstated Mossaddeq and his War Minister. Mossaddeq gathered even more public support when he turned down a British Oil Settlement on July 21st upon his return, which became known as the Victory of Siyome Tir. This heightened tensions with Britain, but Mossaddeq was steadfast, citing interference to the U.N., and even foiling a British Coup attempt on October 21st, 1953 (Daniel, 153). Eventually Mossadeq began to alienate the wealthy in Iran due to his anti-British legislation and the Shah dismissed him on August 16th, 1955 (Daniel). Although Mossadeq was relieved, he made every effort to keep his post, hiding the Shah?s letter of dismissal and arresting the official sent to relieve him (Daniel). Once it was discovered that Mossaddeq was ruling illegally, his opponents seized their chance and funded riots that attacked pro-Mossaddeq institutions on August 19th (Daniel). Mossaddeq eventually surrendered himself, and was convicted of treason. After his conviction, he was jailed, and was eventually kept under house arrest until his death in 1967 (Daniel). Although Mossaddeq?s exit from the public eye was disrespectful, the public saw him as a patriotic political martyr. It was Mossaddeq who had attempted to free Iran from the exploitation of the British only to be persecuted by the bourgeoisie for helping his countrymen. The downfall of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossaddeq saw the birth of a national hero, and that passion would help to define what would be a very interesting future for Iran.
In January 1963, the Shah made his presence known once again by submitting six reform measures to a referendum in an event that came to be known as the ?White Revolution? (Daniel, 157). In the six measures, the Shah spelled out land reform, the nationalization of forests, the privatization of state industries, the inception of worker profit-sharing, rural literacy campaigns, and the formal inclusion of women into recognized society. (Daniel). The Shah was quite blunt in his overall proposition which angered conservative religious groups, but his stipulations passed unanimously. With the British withdrawal of Bahrain in 1971, the Shah saw the potential of his nation without British rule or intervention (Daniel, 159). In 1967, the Shah staged an elaborate ceremony where he portrayed himself as the great successor of past Persian monarchs. Following the Nixon Doctrine of the Era, the Shah took interest in the U.S.?s newly adopted policy of ?dealing with regional crisis by proxy? (Daniel, 160). Endorsed by the Nixon and Ford Administrations, the Shah was appointed to control the entire Persian Gulf (Daniel). In 1973, Iran took advantage of its new role by scrapping the NIOC and taking control of sale and production (Daniel). In October of the same year, Iran took advantage of the distraction associated with the Egyptian, Syrian and Israeli war by pushing Iranian-friendly OPEC legislation (Daniel). In this legislation, OPEC, or the Organization of petroleum Exporting Nations, was given price-setting rights. Almost immediately, oil prices around the world skyrocketed from around $2 per barrel to an astonishing $12 per barrel. As a result, Iran?s profits increased from 200 million dollars per year to a ridiculous 20 billion dollars per year in 1975. The Shah had now brought the wealth he felt Iran deserved, but it would prove quite problematic.
With such enormous growth in such a small span of time, Iran?s infrastructure caved under the burden. In this, Iran?s wealthiest period, the capital city of Tehran was frequented by blackouts. To make matters worse, most of the profits were being funneled by the Shah into the military and munitions (Daniel). By 1976, with the production support of the U.S., Iran had amassed a force of 3000 tanks, 890 helicopters, 200 aircraft, and 9000 antitank missiles (Daniel). Using this clout, Iran backed a Kurdish rebellion that pressured Iraq into signing the Algiers Accord on March 6th, 1975, which among other things, redefined the Shat al-Arab waterway in Iranian favor, and forced Iran to cease Kurdish support (Ismael, 20). Adding to the financial stress, corruption was rampant. Even worse, however, were the effects of the rich entrepreneurs who frequented Iran. Instead of keeping their earnings in Iran and investing it into the nation, they exported their wealth, reducing the amount of capital that Iran had to sustain itself (Daniel, 160). Although the good intentioned Shah had brought wealth to his nation, it was in financial disarray. The poor were getting poorer, and the rich were getting richer. The Shah attempted to remedy the situation with added reform to no avail (Daniel, 167). With such discontentment, the Shah faced an angry nation that was looking for someone to blame, and he would be a target in the upcoming Iranian Revolution.
?On February 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini arrived triumphantly in Iran, with close to 3 million people lining the streets to cheer him.?
-Elton L. Daniel, The History of Iran, Pg, 176
Rouhollah Mousabi Khomeini was born on September 24th, 1902 to family of clerics and proprietors in the Iranian town of Khomein (Daniel, 176). Although his early life is surrounded in mystery, it is clear that his later writings in life were his claim to fame. As a philosopher, his first published work, ?Kashf al-Asrar,? translated as ?Unveiling secrets,? Khomeini first revealed his true nature to the world. Although it appears to revere a return to traditional Iranian values, it clearly revealed Khomeini?s fear of foreign cultural influence and his rigid stance on traditional Islamic society with veiled women, gender-separated schooling, condemnation of alcohol, and an intolerance for music. Having been named an Ayatollah in the 50s, Khomeini built quite a reputation among other ayatollahs (Wiki, 01). Ayatollah Tabatabai Qomi once said of Khomeini, that he was an ?egotist, a power hungry politician disguised in religious garb? (Daniel, 177). In 1961, Khomeini attained some prominence by publishing ?Masael,? or ?answers to judicial problems,? which proved that he was a serious religious scholar, but gained him little national recognition. It was politics, however, that made the name Khomeini a household name. In 1962, Ayatollah Khomeini began a two year campaign of political activism (Daniel, 178). Labeled as ?loud and incendiary,? Khomeini?s open criticisms of Mohammad Reza Shah?s White Revolution and other last ditch reforms caused a great degree of agitation, while his criticism?s of the U.S., which the Iranian government depended on heavily for aid, got him national attention and a reputation for ?fearlessness and incorruptibility? (Daniel). As a result, Khomeini was exiled in 1964 (Daniel). Mohammad Reza Shah was too late to act however, as Khomeini?s support had grown out of control. Khomeini continually found ways to criticize every action taken on by the Pahlavi Dynasty that now rested with Mohammad Reza (Daniel, 179). In an attempt to calm down his constituents, the Shah-appointed Prime Minister Shahpour Bakhtiar attempted to meet with Ayatollah Khomeini in January of 1979 (Daniel, 181). Khomeini refused to meet unless Bakhtiar resigned, and so no meeting to place. Starting on the 23rd of January in 1979, defections began in the Iranian military (Daniel, 183). Air force technicians began the defections, followed by Navy and Army personnel. By February 11th, 1979, the head of the Iranian army had been assassinated and most high ranking officers were now in the hands of Khomeini?s followers. Bakhtiar had fled to France, and Khomeini was officially in power (Daniel, 183). Although Khomeini continued what had now become the Iranian revolution, of greater importance is the Islamic revolution, or Khomeini?s call to spread the revolution to the rest of the world. All throughout its history, Iran had only ventured out of its borders for monetary gain under Mohammad Reza Shah, but now Khomeini, under the guise of Islam, turned his eyes to his close neighbor, Iraq. The Iran Iraq war was now merely months away.
With the outbreak of the Iranian Revolution and the fall of the Shah, the Persian Gulf began to destabilize. Due to Ayatollah Khomeini?s call for a worldwide ?Islamic Revolution,? Iranian uprising began to spread to Iraq?s borders. On July 17th, 1980, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein?s Radio Address expressed his desire for mutual cooperation between the two countries in this time of crisis (McCuen, 70). Saddam was quoted as saying that Iraq provided only ?Friendly overtures? in response to Iranian aggression. On the 21st of March, in an act of religious defiance, Ayatollah Khomeini?s son was quoted as saying in a radio adress, ?We should exert all efforts to export our resolution to other parts of the world. Let us abandon the idea of keeping our revolution with our borders?. Quickly thereafter, Saddam countered by stating in a Presidential address that ?Iraq is Persian,? only to have Qotob Zada, the presiding Iranian Foreign Minister respond with ?Aden and Baghdad belong to us!? Zada went further to state that his government had ?decided to overthrow the Iraqi government,? and that his government did not ?accept any dialogue with this criminal [Iraqi] regime....? Iran, having been the home of the Pahlavi dynasty for most of the 20th century, would finally see the largest struggle for power that it would ever face. It had risen from the ashes of a constitutional revolution in epic fashion, and now with a few words, Khomeini and his associates brought an end to the era of the Dynasties, and ushered in the age of Islam.
Works Cited
Barnes, John. "Iraq's no-win, no-lose war? ." .S. News & World Report. 12 Oct. 1987: Infotrac. NVCC, Annandale. 02 Nov. 2004 <http://web5.infotrac.galegroup..._0_A5216276&dyn=17!xrn_27_0_A5216276?sw_aep=viva2_nvcc>.
"CONFLICTING CLAIMS IN IRAQ-IRAN WAR." Boston Globe 19 July 1982: 1. ProQuest. NVCC, Annandale. 02 Nov. 2004 <http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb...&clientId=1495>.
Daniel, Elton L. The History of Iran. Wesport , London: Greenwood P, 2001.
" Iran After the Revolution:Crisis of the Islamic State. Ed. Sohrab Behdad, and Saeed Rahnema. London and New York: I.B.tauris & Co., 1995.
Iran and the World at War: Continuity in a Revolutionary Decade. Boomingdale & Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 1990.
Ismael, Tareq Y. Iraq and Iran: Roots of Conflict. Syracuse: Syracuse University press, 1982.
Limbert, John W. IRAN: At War with History. Boulder: Westview P, 1987.
McCuen, Gary e. Iran Iraq War. Hudson: Gary E. McCuen Publications inc., 1987.
"Neighbours from hell; Iran and Iraq. ." The Economist. 14 Dec. 2002: Infotrac. NVCC, Annandale. 02 Nov. 2004 <http://web5.infotrac.galegroup..._0_A98852271&dyn=6!xrn_1_0_A98852271?sw_aep=viva2_nvcc>.
?Iran?s recent history has been a continuous struggle to make Iranian?s masters in their own house.?
-John Limbert, Iran at War with History, Pg, 83
Iran is synonymous with an eternal struggle for power. Invaded from infancy by Arabs, Seljuk Turks, and Mongols Iran has always defaulted to a strong national individuality to defend itself against these aggressors (McCuen, 09). This past century, however, has seen an Iran that has continually foreshadowed the breakout of the 1980 Iran Iraq War. The events leading up to the war began with a seemingly unrelated and distant event. In 1906, due to civil discontent, a constitutional revolution took place in Iran, leaving a disbanded and weak government to run the nation (Limbert, 84). Although the discovery of oil deposits within its borders in 1908 would aid the country financially, it could not subdue the war that had gone on for two years at this stage (McCuen, 10). Regrettably, the civil war caused by the 1906 revolution would go on to last a total of 15 years, causing untold casualties and destroying the Iranian economy (Limbert, 84). With the government in disarray, Iran was fortunate in that it was never attacked, never dissolved, and never faced the threat of a hoplarchy (Limbert). In an attempt to restore order, three candidates were selected for the country?s top office, one of which was Reza Khan Mirpanj. Of these candidates, Reza Khan was the most powerful. Having served as commander of the Persian Cossack Brigade up through the First World War, Reza Khan had a presence that was unmatched by the other candidates (Limbert). In 1921, with the help of pro-British liberals, Reza Kahn participated in a bloodless coup to overthrow Iran?s weak government, and appointed himself as the Minister of War (Limbert). Having consolidated his forces for previous Kurdish raids, Reza Kahn?s standing army allowed him to easily become the de facto ruler of a now stratocratic Iran, and he was officially given the title of Prime Minister by Shah Qatar in 1923. Shortly thereafter, the Qatar dynasty was deposed in 1925 after 130 years of rule, and Reza Khan was crowned Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran and ushered in the Pahlavi dynasty that would rule Iran until 1979. With the crowning of the new Shah, the seeds of the nation state of Iran were planted, and the region would never be the same again.
Reza Shah Pahlavi was the ?blunt? and ?brutal? man without a formal education who now ruled Iran. With his heritage and his many years of military service, Reza Khan despised Persian high society and religious traditions that he believed undermined and isolated Iranian development, and he hoped to bring power and prestige to Iran. As the Shah of what was a military junta, Reza Shah was able to impose his views on all of Iran. Most notably, Reza Shah was responsible for policies that emphasized a rift between Iranian nationalism and Islam, drastically weakening the clergy, and integrating western culture and governmental styles with Iran?s own (Limbert). The effects were immediate. Although Reza Shah was officially a dictator, he made great strides in centralizing the administrative sector of the government and utilized the military in a more reserved role as protectors of the state (Limbert). This resulted in the birth of the Iranian nation state. With the creation and deployment of a powerful central administration, Reza Shah was able to pacify warring tribes and limit clerical power (Limbert). With this, Reza Shah turned his attention to Iranian culture. Throughout his reign, Reza Shah called for the unveiling of women, the abolishment of autocratic titles, and the introduction of conscription. He also ushered in the beginnings of industry, and supported urban development (Limbert). Reza Shah had accomplished all of this by serving as a supply line for the Soviets during the First World War, ad this, in addition to the radical changes he had imposed so quickly on a people that had emerged from the brink of anarchy, would serve to define the entire Pahlavi Dynasty and Iran along with it.
Although Iran had established supply lines for the Allied Soviet military during the First World War, the Allies had suspicions that Iran was a German-Axis sympathizer. In the past, Reza Shah had added communist ties to his foreign policy in an attempt to support his struggling nation, and he was adamant that Iran was to remain neutral in the Second World War (Limbert). Making matters worse, Soviets which had been stationed in Iran during the First World War had refused to withdraw. These troops were also responsible for sponsoring communist factions and eventual revolts. Although Iran eventually drove out the remaining Soviets, communist groups had already spread throughout Iran (McCuen). Reza Shah?s opponents now included Iranians themselves. By dissolving the previous autocracy, Reza Shah had censored free speech and had left many tribes without leadership. Even the nation?s youth have growing distaste for Reza Shah?s policies and saw him as a tool of the British. Finally, in 1941, British and Soviet forces launched an invasion of Iran. Reza Shah abdicated his thrown to his son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and left Iran to South Africa, where he would die as an exile in 1944 (Limbert). The allied occupation put an immediate end to the preceding autocracy, allowing politics to flourish. Mohammad Reza was now the residing Shah, and Iran?s future seemed uncertain.
Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, son of the now exiled Reza Shah, came to power as the Shah of Iran under the control of British and Russian forces. In effect, it was as if Reza Shah had ?accomplished nothing.?(Daniel, 143) Iran was now an occupied territory, once dormant tribes were arming themselves and organizing, ethnic separatism was taking hold, and the economy lay in ruins. (Daniel) Surprisingly, the Shah remained in power. In January 1942, the Tripartite Treaty was signed and the Shah was allowed to retain control of Reza Shah?s old army (Daniel, 144). This, in addition to a lack of organization on behalf of Mohammad Reza Shah?s political enemies, allowed the Shah?s power to go unchallenged and grow. Although the Tripartite Treaty promised to ?respect Iran?s integrity, sovereignty, and political independence, defend it [Iran] against aggression, and safeguard its economy,? that remained far from the truth (Daniel).
Massive quarrels began between Britain and the Soviets over control of the Iranian spoils. The British remained loyal to the Tripartite Treaty and left within six months, as it stipulated. The Soviets, however, refused to leave (Daniel, 145). In January 1946, Iran went before the United Nations, and charged the Soviet Union of ?interference in its internal affairs,? and demanded that it ?honor the commitment to withdraw its troops? (Daniel, 146). Finally, on April 5th, 1946, the Soviets agreed to pull out in return for dropping the complaint (Daniel, 147). This might have been seen as an Iranian victory for some, but it proved to be quite the contrary, As the standing Prime Minister at the time, Ahmad Qavam had made certain concessions with the Soviets to encourage their prompt departure (Daniel). The concessions were made in secret and were not brought because Qavam was up for reelection and never intended to follow through on his promises. Once government officials learned of the covert concessions, however, Qavam was promptly removed from office in 1944 (Daniel). Although Qavam was no longer in office, his false concessions would have lasting effects. Qavam had underestimated Soviet influence in Iran when he had planned this deception. Having collaborated with groups such as the Acerbaijaans and the Tudeh, Qavam unknowingly brought Soviet sympathizers into power. When Qavam was removed and his plans were finally made public, rebellions broke out, and according to a British dispatch, Qavam unwittingly ?sold his country to the Russians? (Daniel). During Qavam?s time as Prime Minister, Mohammad Reza Shah had simply watched from his palace and had let Qavam preside over the Iran. Now that Qavam was gone, Mohammad Reza Shah?s time seemed to have come. Following a failed assassination attempt at the University of Tehran that left Mohammad Reza Shah wounded, he garnered a great deal of public support and sympathy. It was this opportunity that would begin to showcase the role of Mohammad Reza Shan in the History of the Iranian nation State.
Seizing the opportunity, Mohammad Reza Shah used his assassination attempt to declare Marshall Law. Pro-soviet rebellions had dominated Iran by this time, and Mohammad Reza Shah now had the tools with which to dispel them. Under marshal law, Mohammad Reza Shah cracked down on these militants. The Shah went a step further, and proposed constitutional amendments that would give him the power to appoint fifty-percent of the parliament and the right to order its abolishment (Daniel, 148). In an overzealous fashion, the Shah went as far as restricting any criticism of the Royal Family. Although the Shah?s incident at the University of Tehran had garnered much support for his rule, decent arose due to his harsh and radical demands, although in secret at first. The Tudeh, or Royalist Party, began recruiting supporters among students and workers, while the religious groups such as the Rediayain-E Eslam, or National Front, under the leadership of Mohammad Mossadeq, sought out violent extremists (Daniel). Attempting to prevent uprisings, the government Majile Jamal Emani took an interest in Mossaddeq. Mossaddeq was a staunch supporter of the Anglo-Iranian oil Company (AIOC) as was Emani, and with that, Emani offered Mossaddeq the position of Prime Minister under the condition that he would support the AIOC, which Mossaddeq accepted ( Daniel, 149). In an epic reversal of words,, Mossaddeq turned around and dismantled the AIOC, and created the National Iranian Oil Company, or NIOC, infuriating Britain, who have profited heavily under the AIOC (Daniel, 150). In July of 1952, Mossaddeq decided to use his newfound powers to appoint a new Minister of War, but the Shah, having remained silent all throughout the dispute, denied the appointment. In protest, Mossaddeq resigned. Almost immediately, violence erupted in the streets, and in an attempt to quell the anger, the Shah reinstated Mossaddeq and his War Minister. Mossaddeq gathered even more public support when he turned down a British Oil Settlement on July 21st upon his return, which became known as the Victory of Siyome Tir. This heightened tensions with Britain, but Mossaddeq was steadfast, citing interference to the U.N., and even foiling a British Coup attempt on October 21st, 1953 (Daniel, 153). Eventually Mossadeq began to alienate the wealthy in Iran due to his anti-British legislation and the Shah dismissed him on August 16th, 1955 (Daniel). Although Mossadeq was relieved, he made every effort to keep his post, hiding the Shah?s letter of dismissal and arresting the official sent to relieve him (Daniel). Once it was discovered that Mossaddeq was ruling illegally, his opponents seized their chance and funded riots that attacked pro-Mossaddeq institutions on August 19th (Daniel). Mossaddeq eventually surrendered himself, and was convicted of treason. After his conviction, he was jailed, and was eventually kept under house arrest until his death in 1967 (Daniel). Although Mossaddeq?s exit from the public eye was disrespectful, the public saw him as a patriotic political martyr. It was Mossaddeq who had attempted to free Iran from the exploitation of the British only to be persecuted by the bourgeoisie for helping his countrymen. The downfall of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossaddeq saw the birth of a national hero, and that passion would help to define what would be a very interesting future for Iran.
In January 1963, the Shah made his presence known once again by submitting six reform measures to a referendum in an event that came to be known as the ?White Revolution? (Daniel, 157). In the six measures, the Shah spelled out land reform, the nationalization of forests, the privatization of state industries, the inception of worker profit-sharing, rural literacy campaigns, and the formal inclusion of women into recognized society. (Daniel). The Shah was quite blunt in his overall proposition which angered conservative religious groups, but his stipulations passed unanimously. With the British withdrawal of Bahrain in 1971, the Shah saw the potential of his nation without British rule or intervention (Daniel, 159). In 1967, the Shah staged an elaborate ceremony where he portrayed himself as the great successor of past Persian monarchs. Following the Nixon Doctrine of the Era, the Shah took interest in the U.S.?s newly adopted policy of ?dealing with regional crisis by proxy? (Daniel, 160). Endorsed by the Nixon and Ford Administrations, the Shah was appointed to control the entire Persian Gulf (Daniel). In 1973, Iran took advantage of its new role by scrapping the NIOC and taking control of sale and production (Daniel). In October of the same year, Iran took advantage of the distraction associated with the Egyptian, Syrian and Israeli war by pushing Iranian-friendly OPEC legislation (Daniel). In this legislation, OPEC, or the Organization of petroleum Exporting Nations, was given price-setting rights. Almost immediately, oil prices around the world skyrocketed from around $2 per barrel to an astonishing $12 per barrel. As a result, Iran?s profits increased from 200 million dollars per year to a ridiculous 20 billion dollars per year in 1975. The Shah had now brought the wealth he felt Iran deserved, but it would prove quite problematic.
With such enormous growth in such a small span of time, Iran?s infrastructure caved under the burden. In this, Iran?s wealthiest period, the capital city of Tehran was frequented by blackouts. To make matters worse, most of the profits were being funneled by the Shah into the military and munitions (Daniel). By 1976, with the production support of the U.S., Iran had amassed a force of 3000 tanks, 890 helicopters, 200 aircraft, and 9000 antitank missiles (Daniel). Using this clout, Iran backed a Kurdish rebellion that pressured Iraq into signing the Algiers Accord on March 6th, 1975, which among other things, redefined the Shat al-Arab waterway in Iranian favor, and forced Iran to cease Kurdish support (Ismael, 20). Adding to the financial stress, corruption was rampant. Even worse, however, were the effects of the rich entrepreneurs who frequented Iran. Instead of keeping their earnings in Iran and investing it into the nation, they exported their wealth, reducing the amount of capital that Iran had to sustain itself (Daniel, 160). Although the good intentioned Shah had brought wealth to his nation, it was in financial disarray. The poor were getting poorer, and the rich were getting richer. The Shah attempted to remedy the situation with added reform to no avail (Daniel, 167). With such discontentment, the Shah faced an angry nation that was looking for someone to blame, and he would be a target in the upcoming Iranian Revolution.
?On February 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini arrived triumphantly in Iran, with close to 3 million people lining the streets to cheer him.?
-Elton L. Daniel, The History of Iran, Pg, 176
Rouhollah Mousabi Khomeini was born on September 24th, 1902 to family of clerics and proprietors in the Iranian town of Khomein (Daniel, 176). Although his early life is surrounded in mystery, it is clear that his later writings in life were his claim to fame. As a philosopher, his first published work, ?Kashf al-Asrar,? translated as ?Unveiling secrets,? Khomeini first revealed his true nature to the world. Although it appears to revere a return to traditional Iranian values, it clearly revealed Khomeini?s fear of foreign cultural influence and his rigid stance on traditional Islamic society with veiled women, gender-separated schooling, condemnation of alcohol, and an intolerance for music. Having been named an Ayatollah in the 50s, Khomeini built quite a reputation among other ayatollahs (Wiki, 01). Ayatollah Tabatabai Qomi once said of Khomeini, that he was an ?egotist, a power hungry politician disguised in religious garb? (Daniel, 177). In 1961, Khomeini attained some prominence by publishing ?Masael,? or ?answers to judicial problems,? which proved that he was a serious religious scholar, but gained him little national recognition. It was politics, however, that made the name Khomeini a household name. In 1962, Ayatollah Khomeini began a two year campaign of political activism (Daniel, 178). Labeled as ?loud and incendiary,? Khomeini?s open criticisms of Mohammad Reza Shah?s White Revolution and other last ditch reforms caused a great degree of agitation, while his criticism?s of the U.S., which the Iranian government depended on heavily for aid, got him national attention and a reputation for ?fearlessness and incorruptibility? (Daniel). As a result, Khomeini was exiled in 1964 (Daniel). Mohammad Reza Shah was too late to act however, as Khomeini?s support had grown out of control. Khomeini continually found ways to criticize every action taken on by the Pahlavi Dynasty that now rested with Mohammad Reza (Daniel, 179). In an attempt to calm down his constituents, the Shah-appointed Prime Minister Shahpour Bakhtiar attempted to meet with Ayatollah Khomeini in January of 1979 (Daniel, 181). Khomeini refused to meet unless Bakhtiar resigned, and so no meeting to place. Starting on the 23rd of January in 1979, defections began in the Iranian military (Daniel, 183). Air force technicians began the defections, followed by Navy and Army personnel. By February 11th, 1979, the head of the Iranian army had been assassinated and most high ranking officers were now in the hands of Khomeini?s followers. Bakhtiar had fled to France, and Khomeini was officially in power (Daniel, 183). Although Khomeini continued what had now become the Iranian revolution, of greater importance is the Islamic revolution, or Khomeini?s call to spread the revolution to the rest of the world. All throughout its history, Iran had only ventured out of its borders for monetary gain under Mohammad Reza Shah, but now Khomeini, under the guise of Islam, turned his eyes to his close neighbor, Iraq. The Iran Iraq war was now merely months away.
With the outbreak of the Iranian Revolution and the fall of the Shah, the Persian Gulf began to destabilize. Due to Ayatollah Khomeini?s call for a worldwide ?Islamic Revolution,? Iranian uprising began to spread to Iraq?s borders. On July 17th, 1980, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein?s Radio Address expressed his desire for mutual cooperation between the two countries in this time of crisis (McCuen, 70). Saddam was quoted as saying that Iraq provided only ?Friendly overtures? in response to Iranian aggression. On the 21st of March, in an act of religious defiance, Ayatollah Khomeini?s son was quoted as saying in a radio adress, ?We should exert all efforts to export our resolution to other parts of the world. Let us abandon the idea of keeping our revolution with our borders?. Quickly thereafter, Saddam countered by stating in a Presidential address that ?Iraq is Persian,? only to have Qotob Zada, the presiding Iranian Foreign Minister respond with ?Aden and Baghdad belong to us!? Zada went further to state that his government had ?decided to overthrow the Iraqi government,? and that his government did not ?accept any dialogue with this criminal [Iraqi] regime....? Iran, having been the home of the Pahlavi dynasty for most of the 20th century, would finally see the largest struggle for power that it would ever face. It had risen from the ashes of a constitutional revolution in epic fashion, and now with a few words, Khomeini and his associates brought an end to the era of the Dynasties, and ushered in the age of Islam.
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