Democrats Are on the Path to Doom - I Want Off

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PJABBER

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I expect truth in government and I like truth in campaigning.

I am regularly and predictably disappointed.

I am not a voter in California. I don't like California much, other than the girls at the beaches. I detest Barbara Boxer.

I saw this ad and I like this guy. I don't know much about him other than what I found out in the article from the Huff'nPuff Post I am posting below.

There is a video worth watching, too. Please watch it. It is only 46 seconds long. Less time than it took me to write this post and less time than it is taking you to read it.

I hope he wins the Democrat primary in California.

Democrats Are on the Path to Doom -- I Want Off

Mickey Kaus
Writer, the kausfiles blog on Slate.com

The Huffington Post
Posted: June 3, 2010 10:13 AM

Here's the video ad we just released in my Democratic primary campaign for U.S. Senator:

"Mickey Kaus is No Politician"

It's a blatant imitation of a famous Paul Wellstone spot produced by North Woods Advertising. The North Woods people have been good sports about me stealing their joke--"unlike my opponent I don't have x million dollars so I'm going to have to talk fast." The main reason the Wellstone format works, though, is that it lets you talk about a lot of issues in a short period of time. It's become a staple of underdog campaigns, like the old "empty chair" stunt. I stole that one too.

Wellstone was a hard-core liberal Democrat, though as far as I could tell practically everybody in Washington liked him because he actually believed in something and wasn't a disingenuous careerist schemer like most of those around him. He said what he thought, and voted that way too. You got a problem with that?

I disagreed strongly with a lot of what he said and thought (though not the principle of universal health care). But I want to make a brief pitch to those HuffPost readers who didn't disagree. Because it seems to me that liberal Democrats, especially, are being led by the interest groups who increasingly control their party down the path of ... well, doom.

Democrats are the party that believes in government, after all. We need to make it work for the majority of citizens. When teachers' unions force the layoffs of good young teachers because their seniority principle is somehow sacrosanct--well, it's not only individual public schools that suffer, but the whole idea of public education, as well as the whole idea of the social solidarity, or equality, that institutions like public schools are supposed to reinforce.

The same price is paid when the teachers' unions prevent the firing of bad teachers--and face it, that's what's happening when in a district of 33,000 teachers (L.A.) only a dozen or two are forced out each year. The Republicans needn't care that much about the resulting mediocre schools--it only makes their call for vouchers more plausible. The rich don't need to care--their kids don't go to public schools anymore anyway. It's the Democrats and the non-rich who take the hit.

Likewise, when illegal immigrants flood the labor market, it's unskilled workers who take the hit, in the form of lower wages. Even Rep. Luis Gutierrez, a key backer of the "path to citizenship" immigration bill I oppose, admits that immigrant competition bids down wages.

That used to be organized labor's position too. But now, in a pell-mell effort to lock down the Latino vote, Democrats dogmatically insist that every attempt at reforming the immigration system must include a conditional amnesty--the so-called path to citizenship--that would legalize immigrants who are here illegally.

But if Democrats took Gutierrez at his word--and asked the question "How would we act if we wanted to boost wages at the bottom?"--I don't think they would end up supporting legalization. That's because every amnesty (like the one we tried in 1986) attracts more illegal immigrants who arrive looking for the next amnesty, secure in the knowledge that once they're here both Democratic and Bush-Republican pols will soon accommodate them for fear of alienating the growing Latino vote.

If you really cared about wages of the working poor--including the Latino working poor--you'd want to make sure that this wave of 12 million illegals was the last wave. That means securing the borders before talking about legalization. It means sending a message to the world that we're serious this time--if you want to come here, come legally and you'll be welcomed. When we get control of the border we'll gain some control over the labor supply and can help guarantee that employers face enough of a labor crunch that they can't get away with paying semi-Third World wages.

I'd argue these are the positions a liberal who cared about government and inequality would take. Why do Democrats reject them? They increasingly say it's not so much because of policy, but because of politics: they have to turn out the "base" to win the next election, and the "base" consists of union members and Latinos (plus African Americans, who are badly hurt by illegal immigration but whom the party takes for granted).

Never mind that this theory is nearly unfalsifiable--if the Democrats lose, its proponents will always say that they just didn't please the base enough. Has base-pleasing ever panned out? Looking back over recent elections, I can only think of one where the "base" was clearly more important than the moderate middle--that was the presidential election of 2004, when George W. Bush turned out millions of new right-wing voters many people thought didn't exist. But most recent mid-term elections have been preceded by predictions that "Hey, given the low turnout it all depends on mobilizing the base!"--only to be followed by acknowledgments that it was moderate swing voters who swung the result.

After a few weeks of running, though, I don't find Democrats who make the please-the-base argument that infuriating anymore. It's an argument, after all. They could be right. And Democrats who violently disagree with me about policy, rather than politics--about the role of labor unions and the undesirability of amnesty, etc,--aren't bothersome at all. Having arguments is what a campaign is all about. I've learned a lot from things angry people have yelled at me. That's all good.

What bothers me are the thug-like Democrats, the ones who say because people like me dissent from party orthodoxy on these two issues we have no business calling ourselves Democrats, are really Republicans, should get out of the party, etc. As if people who support health care, oppose the Iraq war, support same sex marriage, like a whole slew of big government institutions and don't automatically oppose tax increases could make common cause with today's Republicans.

This "get out" mentality isn't an attempt to win a debate. It's an attempt to suppress a debate. It's the attitude of power-addicted interest-group Democrats who would rather lose the election than lose their grip on the party.

But the debate over the Democrats' tired dogma is coming. If you want it to come sooner, rather than later--and to come on Democratic terms rather than Republican terms--I hope (if you live in California) you'll consider sending that message by voting for my candidacy.

***

Mickey Kaus, who writes the kausfiles blog, is author of The End of Equality and a candidate for U.S. Senator in Tuesday's California Democratic primary.
 

UberNeuman

Lifer
Nov 4, 1999
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Fantastic. "I saw an ad and I like this guy..."

hahaha.jpg
 
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nonlnear

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I rooted for Peter Schiff in Connecticut. I know how you're going to feel.
My advice: just enjoy it for what it is and don't give in to hope.
 

UberNeuman

Lifer
Nov 4, 1999
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You read the OP. Watch the video.

Choose one - Boxer or this guy? :awe:

I watched the vid; really don't have a problem with most of his pitch.

Except for the lack of details, but I accept that anyone running can't fill in all those blanks in 30-40 seconds. Thankful we have the internet to dissect it.

He's looking like Jerry Brown 2.0....
 

PJABBER

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Feb 8, 2001
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I watched the vid; really don't have a problem with most of his pitch.

Except for the lack of details, but I accept that anyone running can't fill in all those blanks in 30-40 seconds. Thankful we have the internet to dissect it.

He's looking like Jerry Brown 2.0....

I got this from his campaign site. His education background and the fact that he lives in Venice are red flags for me, but I actually like the reform projects he took on.

He is definitely not a New Ager like Jerry Brown. He is also no dummy.

Biography

Mickey Kaus has been writing about public policy and politics for three decades. A longtime campaigner for welfare reform, he is author of The End of Equality, an award-winning book on rethinking liberalism.

Mickey was born in Santa Monica, California. He attended Beverly Hills High, Harvard College and Harvard Law School (where he graduated magna cum laude). He subsequently clerked for Justice Stanley Mosk of the California Supreme Court and worked at the Federal Trade Commission before switching into political journalism.

In a 1983 Harper's article, "The Trouble With Unions," he criticized the adversarial, legalistic collective bargaining system, established in the New Deal, that persists to this day. The article described many of the inefficient union practices--including the proliferation of work rules and bureaucratic job classifications--that would eventually help bankrupt GM and Chrysler, forcing a bailout by taxpayers.

In 1984, he was speechwriter in the unsuccessful campaign of Sen. Ernest Hollings for the Democratic presidential nomination. After Hollings dropped out, Mickey wrote about the rest of the campaign for the New Republic, California magazine and the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner. He helped cover the 1988 presidential race for Newsweek (where he co-created the magazine's popular "Conventional Wisdom Watch" feature).
In the mid-80's, Mickey began to champion welfare reform--i.e., replacing a cash dole with work. His July, 1986, The New Republic cover story, "The Work Ethic State," helped build support among Democrats for Bill Clinton's call to "end welfare as we know it."

Mickey worked with reformers in Congress and the Clinton White House to promote welfare overhaul legislation, which finally passed in 1996. The 1996 reform has been successful at dramatically reducing welfare caseloads and increasing the participation of single mothers in the labor force (where many benefitted from the good economy of the late 1990s). A disappointment has been states' failure to establish last-resort WPA-style jobs programs.

The End of Equality, published in 1992, addresses a larger question: How to pursue the traditional liberal ideal of equality in an era when incomes are growing less equal--and nobody seems to know how to stop it without also threatening prosperity. The answer, the book argues, is to deemphasize income redistribution and pursue social equality directly--in part through government institutions, like a national health insurance system, that treat citizens with equal respect regardless of how rich or poor they are. The Washington Monthly named The End of Equality co-winner of its award for Best Political Book of 1992.

In the summer of 1999, Mickey started his own Web site, kausfiles.com, and later that year began what we now know as a blog on the site. He soon moved kausfiles to Slate magazine's web site, where it lived happily until his Senate campaign began in March. (It's now on this site.)

In 2005, Mickey and Robert Wright launched Bloggingheads.tv a Web debate site developed and run by Wright. The idea of Bloggingheads is to get writers of differing political persuasions engaged in civil, entertaining dialogues. It's an antidote to the mindlessly partisan echo chambers that proliferate on the Web.

Mickey's brother Stephen is an attorney in San Francisco. His father, Otto, served on the California Supreme Court. His maternal ancestors were Jewish settlers drawn to California by the gold rush, winding up in San Francisco, where they endured the Great Earthquake and Fire of 1906.

Mickey currently lives in Venice, California.
His old blog can be found here, he is funny, too -

kausfiles.com

He was one of the orignal founders of this site, which is a pretty interesting forum that I ran across before but did not know of his affiliation with until today -

Blogginheads.tv

Very interesting vblog interview with him at the above site -

VBlog discussion with Robert Wright
 
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PJABBER

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Feb 8, 2001
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This guy definitely is an out of the box Democrat, but his priorities are going to be piss off the entrenched interest groups the Democrats hold close.

Why I'm Running

I have no special beef with the incumbent, Barbara Boxer. She is a state-of-the-art Democrat. But to be "state-of-the-art" in our party is not such a good thing anymore.

"State of the art" means the incumbent has learned to please the party's interest groups, often at the expense of the needs of average individuals and the party's own ideals.

It means the incumbent supports a "card check" bill that would effectively take away the secret ballot from workers in order to give more power to the big unions-- including public employee unions--whose influence over our great industries and our government has led to disaster.

"State of the art" means the incumbent endorses a misguided immigrant legalization scheme, a conditional amnesty, that would create a huge incentive for more illegal immigration--before we're sure our broken border has been fixed to withstand it. We tried the legalization approach in 1986. A wave of illegal immigration followed. Another new wave would again bid down the wages of unskilled American (and legal immigrant) workers--the people who've been hurt the most in the economy of the past three decades.

It shouldn't be the policy of the Democratic party to make it worse for them.

These aren't minor questions. One affects the organization of the entire economy. The other could irreversibly alter the quality of American life.

I am a lifelong Democrat. But on those issues, and others, what has become the party's dogma--what you have to say and think if you want to run for office as an anointed Democrat--no longer passes the test of common sense.

Common sense tells you that when you can't fire bad teachers because their union won't allow it, you'll get bad schools. Common sense tells you that when you keep flooding the labor market with new unskilled workers, wages will deterioriate.

To see why the state-of-the-Democratic-art isn't working for the nation, you only have to look at the state of the public schools, the state of our auto industry, and the state of our local and national budgets .

This isn't the Democratic party I signed up for. It's not the party many common sense Democratic voters signed up for.

I intend to try my best in the months ahead to offer these common sense voters a way to make their presence known and change our party's course before it's too late. I want to debate these issues and offer alternatives, not just say 'yes' to the party's entrenched powers.

Democrats deserve a choice too.
 

CLite

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Dec 6, 2005
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The guy makes good points. Small margins on presidential elections mean the democrats are beholden to these huge special interest groups (unions + illegal immigrants). It's too bad, because now with such an entrenched position if they retreat from it I doubt many GOP will come over, so it would be suicidal for the party as a whole. I think the GOP faces a similar position in terms of it's morality police position of government interference, but I will admit that has less ramification for society as a whole than bad schools and floods of illegal immigrants.
 
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JS80

Lifer
Oct 24, 2005
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Too bad. This is a democracy where 51% can vote to steal from the 49%.
 

PJABBER

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Feb 8, 2001
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While there is little chance for Kaus to join the U.S. Senate unless California Democrats wake up to how screwed up their hopes and dreams have become, there is still hope that, with time, Kaus's message will be one that overcomes the special interests that have come to define the Democrats.

June 8, 2010
Mickey Kaus's Boxer Rebellion

By Jeremy Lott

Legendary labor leader Samuel Gompers was once asked what, exactly, organized labor was after. What was the end game? How much would be enough? Gompers answered "more." He explained "when it becomes more, we shall still want more. And we shall never cease to demand more until we have received the results of our labor."

That last bit was a rhetorical concession only -- a bit of false modesty to keep unions from sounding like greedy capitalists. Organized labor will always press for "more," from employers and, increasingly, from government. These are demands without end. There is no way to meet them that will not lead to ruin.

The End of Equality was the title of popular blogger and California Democratic Senate hopeful Mickey Kaus's first and only book. It was a lover's quarrel with a liberalism that he thought had forgot something important: how to say no to its interest groups. Liberals no longer knew how to resist some of the more outlandish demands of welfare advocates, labor unions, and other lobbies, and this had put them at odds with American voters, Kaus argued.

The book was published in 1992 and it proved influential in the debate over welfare reform. The left had stymied efforts to reform welfare under President Ronald Reagan. The challenge from reformist Democrats, including Kaus, proved too much. After the disastrous 1994 midterm elections, a Republican Congress passed -- and a Democratic president signed -- legislation that ended welfare as a way of life for millions of Americans.

Kaus often comes in for criticism as a crypto-conserative, but reading his book, his blog, or listening to his speeches should put the lie to this criticism. He is clearly a liberal who believes in a large, activist government. He has always supported some system of publicly guaranteed national healthcare. Kaus's quarrel with the Obama administration on healthcare was that he thought it was selling reform on thoroughly fraudulent grounds, thus making it more vulnerable to challenge.

But Kaus differs from modern liberals in that he does not consider "more" an acceptable answer to the question, "What does liberalism want?" He thinks government should do certain things to ensure social but not necessarily economic equality. And he believes that, in order to govern effectively, Democrat-controlled government needs to stand up to some pretty powerful Democratic interest groups and tell them "enough" or even "give it back."

In his current protest campaign, that means that Kaus has singled out unions for criticism, as well as the "Hispanic lobby." He argues that unions have wrecked American manufacturing and education, and made government at all levels prohibitively expensive.

Kaus wants the Obama administration and the California government to work to reverse these trends, rather than accede to most union demands. He also wants the federal government to seriously cut back on the flow of illegal immigrants before it considers granting the demands for "more" amnesty for illegals already in the country.

Critics, including Democratic Senator Barbara Boxer, argue that these positions make him a de facto Republican. Kaus counters that they are really bad liberals, because they are not thinking through where such demands will lead. That message does not appear to have resonated with California Democratic primary voters. The Republican Party nomination this year is fiercely competitive. Nobody seriously argues that Boxer won't crush the shoestring Kaus challenge underfoot.

That Kaus's candidacy and message have been so easily dismissed by the primary electorate could end up being bad news for Democrats. Kaus wrote in the Los Angeles Times, "We need nonretired Democrats who tell the unions no. Or else, perhaps after more bankruptcies and bailouts, Republicans will do it for them."
 
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