- Nov 19, 2001
- 27,727
- 16
- 81
This is an exerpt of Michael Crichton's introduction to his book "The Great Train Robbery". Interesting to say the least. A great writer IMHO.
From this comfortable prespective, it was absolutely astonishing to discover that "the criminal class" had found a way to prey upon progress - and indeed to carry out a crime aboard the very hallmark of progress, the railway. The fact that the robbers also overcame the finest safes of the day only increased the consternation.
What was really so shocking about The Great Train Robbery was that it suggested, to the sober thinker, that the elimination of crime might not be an inevitable consequence of forward-marching progress. Crime could no longer be likened to the Plague, which had dissapeared without changing social conditions to become a dimly remembered threat of the past. Crime was something else, and criminal behavior would not simply fade away.
A few daring commentators even had the temerity to suggest that crime was not linked to social conditions at all, but rather sprang from some other impulse. Such opinions were, to say the least, highly distasteful.
They remain distasteful to the present day. More than a century after The Great Train Robbery, and more than a decade after another spectacular English train robbery, the ordinary Western urban man still clings to the belief that crime results from poverty, injustice and poor education. Our view of the criminal is that of a limited, abused, perhaps mentally disturbed indivdual who breaks the law out of a desperate need - the drug addict standing as a sort of modern archetype for this person. And indeed when it was recently reported that the majority of street crime in New York City was not committed by addicts, that finding was greeted with skepticism and dismay, mirroring the preplexity of our Victorian forbearers a hundred years ago.
Crime became a legitimate focus for academic inquiry in the 1870s, and in succeeding years criminologists have attacked all the old stereotypes, creating a new view of crime that has never found favor with the general public. Experts now agree on the following points:
First, crime is not a consequence of poverty. In the words of Barnes and Teeters (1949), "Most offenses are committed through greed, not need".
Second, criminals are not limited in intelligence, and it is probable that the reverse is true. Studies of prison populations show that inmates equal the general public in intelligence tests - and yet prisoners represent that fraction of lawbreakers who are caught.
Third, the vast majority of criminal activity goes unpunished. This is inherently a speculative question, but some authorities argue that only 3 to 5 percent of all crimes are reported; and of reported crimes, only 15 to percent are ever "solved" in the usual sense of the word. This is true of even the most serious offenses, such as murder. Most police pathologists laugh at the idea that "murder will out".
Similarly, criminologists dispute the traditional view that "crime does not pay". As early as 1877, an American prison investigator, Richard Dugdale, concluded that "we must dispossess ourselves of the idea that crime does not pay. In reality, it does." Ten years later, the Italian criminologist Colajanni went a step further, arguing that on the whole crime pays better than honest labor. By 1949, Barnes and Teeter stated flatly, "It is primarily the moralist who still believes that crime does not pay."
Our moral attitudes toward crime account for a peculiar ambivilance toward criminal behavior itself. On the one hand, it is feard, despised, and vociferously condemned. Yet it is also secretly admired and we always eager to hear the details of some outstanding criminal exploit. This attitude was clearly prevelant in 1855, for The Great Train Robbery was not only shocking and appaling, but also "daring," "audacious," and "masterful."
We share with the Victorians another attitude - a belief in a "criminal class," by which we mean a subculture of professional criminlas who make their living by breaking the laws of the society around them. Today we call this class "the Mafia," "the syndicate," or "the mob," and we are interested to know its code of ethics, its inverted value system, its perculiar language and patterns of behavior.