Specop 007
Diamond Member
In what some would say is a bit of a turn about in my mindset, I figured I'd post this. It seems Bushs worlds (Eat'm Democrats! 😛 ) have inspired some Middle Eastern peoples to rally to the banner of freedom! This gives me great joys to see an otherwise oppressed people strive for freedom. I only hope Bushs words (and moreso his actions and needed support) continue to reach to oppressed peoples the world over. I also dearly hope Bush doesnt abandon those people who would need his help the most in these times of change.
Article
Arab world squirms at impact of Bush's call for freedom
By Anton La Guardia, Diplomatic Editor
(Filed: 01/03/2005)
In the few weeks since President George W Bush declared in his inaugural speech that America would defend itself by promoting "the expansion of freedom in all the world", his speech appears to be having a revolutionary impact on the Middle East.
Iraqis have defied the bombers to go to the polls, Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak has announced multi-party presidential elections, Palestinians will unveil a democratic reform package in London today and, last night, Lebanon's prime minister resigned in the face of "people power" on Beirut's streets.
Many Arab intellectuals had mocked President Bush's talk of freedom as a rhetorical flourish to justify regime change by force of American arms.
But for the moment Mr Bush has no need for his tanks: his words carried on the airwaves of Arab satellite television have been enough to discomfit the lifetime presidents, kings and sheikhs of the Arab world.
Syria, in particular, is feeling the pressure. In an attempt to ingratiate itself with America, Damascus last week handed over Sabawi Ibrahim al-Hassan al-Tikriti, Saddam Hussein's half-brother who has mastermind the insurgency from a safe haven in Syria.
It is unclear how far Syria will go in co-operating with the new Iraqi government against the insurgents but Syria will not easily give up its control of Lebanon.
Now, suddenly, there has been a wave of change across the region.
Firstly, the US regained its confidence in Iraq after successfully holding elections on Jan 30 despite months of attacks by Iraqi insurgents.
In Palestine, the bloody stalemate with Israel was broken last November by the death of the veteran Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat.
The pace of change in the Palestinian Authority has been accelerated by pressure from Mr Bush, who declared as long ago as June 2003 that Palestinians should elect leaders "not tainted by terror".
The pressure for Syria to leave Lebanon has been building since Israel withdrew from the south of the country in 2000.
America had effectively allowed Syria to turn Lebanon into its vassal in 1990, as a reward for supporting the US-led coalition in evicting Iraqi forces from Kuwait.
But America's attitude changed after the war to remove Saddam Hussein.
Syria was accused of providing a haven for the former Iraqi regime to organise the insurgency.
Some senior American officials believe Syria may have inherited the stocks of weapons of mass destruction that vanished from Iraq.
In 2003, the US Congress authorised Mr Bush to impose sanctions on Damascus under the Syria Accountability Act.
Last September America buried the hatchet with France and co-sponsored a UN resolution telling Syria to withdraw from Lebanon. Syria may have calculated that the way to keep America off its back was to keep it bogged down in Iraq.
After all, President Bashar al-Assad's father had successfully manipulated the civil war in Lebanon to defeat Israel as well as the US, French and other peacekeeping forces briefly deployed in Beirut in 1982.
But the younger Assad appears to be much less capable than his father had been. Where his father made himself a central Arab leader, wooed by all, the current President Assad has become increasingly isolated.
Surrounded by foes such as Israel to the east, Turkey to the north and now the US army to the east, Syria had always relied on its ability to appeal to the nationalist heart of the Arab world.
Now unrest in Beirut is destroying this vestige of legitimacy. Unless Assad can transform himself, two bombs in February - one that murdered the former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri, and the other last week's suicide bombing in Tel Aviv blamed on Syrian-backed radicals - may come to be seen as marking the final decline of his regime. Mr Bush will doubtless be hoping that this "domino effect" will also be felt on the other side of Iraq - in Iran.
The problem for Mr Bush is that, unless the clerical regime is overthrown or changes dramatically, Iran could come dangerously close to developing its own nuclear weapon. Then Mr Bush may decide that mere words are no longer enough to protect America's interests.
Article
Arab world squirms at impact of Bush's call for freedom
By Anton La Guardia, Diplomatic Editor
(Filed: 01/03/2005)
In the few weeks since President George W Bush declared in his inaugural speech that America would defend itself by promoting "the expansion of freedom in all the world", his speech appears to be having a revolutionary impact on the Middle East.
Iraqis have defied the bombers to go to the polls, Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak has announced multi-party presidential elections, Palestinians will unveil a democratic reform package in London today and, last night, Lebanon's prime minister resigned in the face of "people power" on Beirut's streets.
Many Arab intellectuals had mocked President Bush's talk of freedom as a rhetorical flourish to justify regime change by force of American arms.
But for the moment Mr Bush has no need for his tanks: his words carried on the airwaves of Arab satellite television have been enough to discomfit the lifetime presidents, kings and sheikhs of the Arab world.
Syria, in particular, is feeling the pressure. In an attempt to ingratiate itself with America, Damascus last week handed over Sabawi Ibrahim al-Hassan al-Tikriti, Saddam Hussein's half-brother who has mastermind the insurgency from a safe haven in Syria.
It is unclear how far Syria will go in co-operating with the new Iraqi government against the insurgents but Syria will not easily give up its control of Lebanon.
Now, suddenly, there has been a wave of change across the region.
Firstly, the US regained its confidence in Iraq after successfully holding elections on Jan 30 despite months of attacks by Iraqi insurgents.
In Palestine, the bloody stalemate with Israel was broken last November by the death of the veteran Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat.
The pace of change in the Palestinian Authority has been accelerated by pressure from Mr Bush, who declared as long ago as June 2003 that Palestinians should elect leaders "not tainted by terror".
The pressure for Syria to leave Lebanon has been building since Israel withdrew from the south of the country in 2000.
America had effectively allowed Syria to turn Lebanon into its vassal in 1990, as a reward for supporting the US-led coalition in evicting Iraqi forces from Kuwait.
But America's attitude changed after the war to remove Saddam Hussein.
Syria was accused of providing a haven for the former Iraqi regime to organise the insurgency.
Some senior American officials believe Syria may have inherited the stocks of weapons of mass destruction that vanished from Iraq.
In 2003, the US Congress authorised Mr Bush to impose sanctions on Damascus under the Syria Accountability Act.
Last September America buried the hatchet with France and co-sponsored a UN resolution telling Syria to withdraw from Lebanon. Syria may have calculated that the way to keep America off its back was to keep it bogged down in Iraq.
After all, President Bashar al-Assad's father had successfully manipulated the civil war in Lebanon to defeat Israel as well as the US, French and other peacekeeping forces briefly deployed in Beirut in 1982.
But the younger Assad appears to be much less capable than his father had been. Where his father made himself a central Arab leader, wooed by all, the current President Assad has become increasingly isolated.
Surrounded by foes such as Israel to the east, Turkey to the north and now the US army to the east, Syria had always relied on its ability to appeal to the nationalist heart of the Arab world.
Now unrest in Beirut is destroying this vestige of legitimacy. Unless Assad can transform himself, two bombs in February - one that murdered the former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri, and the other last week's suicide bombing in Tel Aviv blamed on Syrian-backed radicals - may come to be seen as marking the final decline of his regime. Mr Bush will doubtless be hoping that this "domino effect" will also be felt on the other side of Iraq - in Iran.
The problem for Mr Bush is that, unless the clerical regime is overthrown or changes dramatically, Iran could come dangerously close to developing its own nuclear weapon. Then Mr Bush may decide that mere words are no longer enough to protect America's interests.
