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For some time, I have been advocating the re-consideration of classical liberalism by those who seem only to be aware of social or "welfare" liberalism. I do so because, for liberalism to be as effective as it once was in defining America, it must willingly take from both of these antagonistic perspectives.
There is a long philosophical history to liberalism, and the definition of it in Europe and the rest of the world more or less comfortably enfolds classical liberalism. In the past sixty years, however, classical liberalism in the United States has faded from "liberal" thought and consideration and has thus forced social liberals through ever growing exclusion into an ever smaller and ineffective box.
Though social liberals have won at the ballot and enacted legislative initiatives, they now face what is likely going to be a significant backlash as the electorate has been taken aback at the social liberal's drive to put people into classes and then to treat each class differently.
The "progressive," or social welfare liberal, sees no problem with his advocacy of class warfare. It is part and parcel of their world view. But by becoming so dominated by only a part of what liberalism used to be, they have left themselves open to accurate accusations of elitism, racism and oppression.
As I read the various arguments in this forum I am struck by both the tone and the form of debate. The intolerance of the "social" liberals here is increasing, even as more join in a critical attack on the very precepts the social liberal holds as true and immutable.
What they do not recognize in their reactionary haste to lambaste all contrary opinion, is that the attacks are as much a call for them to return to the classical theory of liberty that was a natural, if somewhat uncomfortable, part of their antecedents, as it is a call for the rejection of both the class warfare they take such delight in and their mockery of the very idea of personal freedom.
I provide a link here to a recent article that provides a very well written understanding of what social liberalism now represents in America.
There is a long philosophical history to liberalism, and the definition of it in Europe and the rest of the world more or less comfortably enfolds classical liberalism. In the past sixty years, however, classical liberalism in the United States has faded from "liberal" thought and consideration and has thus forced social liberals through ever growing exclusion into an ever smaller and ineffective box.
Though social liberals have won at the ballot and enacted legislative initiatives, they now face what is likely going to be a significant backlash as the electorate has been taken aback at the social liberal's drive to put people into classes and then to treat each class differently.
The "progressive," or social welfare liberal, sees no problem with his advocacy of class warfare. It is part and parcel of their world view. But by becoming so dominated by only a part of what liberalism used to be, they have left themselves open to accurate accusations of elitism, racism and oppression.
As I read the various arguments in this forum I am struck by both the tone and the form of debate. The intolerance of the "social" liberals here is increasing, even as more join in a critical attack on the very precepts the social liberal holds as true and immutable.
What they do not recognize in their reactionary haste to lambaste all contrary opinion, is that the attacks are as much a call for them to return to the classical theory of liberty that was a natural, if somewhat uncomfortable, part of their antecedents, as it is a call for the rejection of both the class warfare they take such delight in and their mockery of the very idea of personal freedom.
I provide a link here to a recent article that provides a very well written understanding of what social liberalism now represents in America.
The Descent of Liberalism
Michael Knox Beran
From the April 5, 2010, issue of National Review
Michael Knox Beran is a contributing editor of City Journal. His most recent book is Forge of Empires 1861–1871: Three Revolutionary Statesmen and the World They Made.
In his 1950 book The Liberal Imagination, Lionel Trilling said that “in the United States at this time liberalism is not only the dominant but even the sole intellectual tradition.” Liberalism was no less the dominant political tradition; a coherent conservative opposition had yet to emerge. Over the next 60 years, however, the liberal imagination lost its hold on the American mind. In October 2009 Gallup found that just 20 percent of Americans described themselves as liberals; twice as many called themselves conservatives.
What happened? Part of the answer lies in liberalism’s loss of an element that was essential both to its intellectual vitality and to its popular appeal. Liberalism in the middle of the 20th century maintained an equilibrium between the antagonistic principles within it. The classical liberalism that descended from Jefferson and Jackson survived in the movement; the social liberalism that derived from the theories of 19th-century social philosophers, though it was steadily gaining ground, had not yet obtained a complete ascendancy. Liberalism today has lost this equipoise; the progress of the social imagination, with its faith in the power of social science to improve people’s lives, has forced liberals to relinquish the principles and even the language of the classical conception of liberty.
The two philosophies that animated liberalism in its prime were widely different in both origin and aspiration. Classical liberty is founded on the belief that all men are created equal; that they should be treated equally under the law; and that they should be permitted the widest liberty of action consistent with public tranquility and the safety of the state. The classical vision traces its pedigree to Protestant dissenters who in the 17th century struggled to obtain freedom of conscience. Their critique of religious favoritism was later expanded into a critique of state-sponsored privilege in general.
The American patriots who took up arms against George III thought it wrong that some Englishmen were represented in Parliament while others were not. This sort of privilege, in the Old Whig language of liberty from which classical liberalism descends, was known as “corruption.” The revolutionary patriots, it is true, countenanced their own forms of corruption; when they came to write a Constitution for their new republic, the charter tacitly recognized slavery and other forms of discrimination. The country, in Lincoln’s words, was “conceived in liberty,” but not until it experienced various “new” births of freedom was the promise of its founding ideal extended to all of its citizens.
Unlike classical liberty, social liberty is formed on the conviction that if a truly equitable society is to emerge, the state must treat certain groups of people differently from other groups. Only through a more or less comprehensive adjustment of the interests of various classes will a really democratic polity emerge. The social vision traces its origins to thinkers who in the 19th century argued that the close study of social facts would reveal the laws that govern human behavior, much as physics and biology reveal the laws that govern nature. Auguste Comte, for example, believed it possible to elaborate a “social physics” (physique sociale); Karl Marx purported to discover the dialectical laws of human history...
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