Originally posted by: irwincur
That is exactly where Facism starts
I doubt you could even correctly define Facism - without a dictionary.
It is trickier than it seems at first glance:
In sum, it's the corporate state, stupid.
"Fascism should more properly be called corporatism because it is the merger of
state and corporate power". - Benito Mussolini.
by David G Mills
Information Clearing House (November 10 2004)
The early twentieth century Italians, who invented the word fascism, also had
a more descriptive term for the concept - estato corporativo: the corporatist
state. Unfortunately for Americans, we have come to equate fascism with its
symptoms, not with its structure. The structure of fascism is corporatism,
or the corporate state. The structure of fascism is the union, marriage,
merger or fusion of corporate economic power with governmental power. Failing to
understand fascism, as the consolidation of corporate economic and governmental
power in the hands of a few, is to completely misunderstand what fascism is. It
is the consolidation of this power that produces the demagogues and regimes we
understand as fascist ones.
While we Americans have been trained to keenly identify the opposite of fascism,
that is, government intrusion into and usurpation of private enterprise, we have
not been trained to identify the usurpation of government by private enterprise.
Our European cousins, on the other hand, having lived with Fascism in several
European countries during the last century, know it when they see it, and
looking over here, they are ringing the alarm bells. We need to learn how to
recognize Fascism now.
Dr Lawrence Britt has written an excellent article entitled "The 14 Defining
Characteristics of Fascism". An Internet search of the number 14 coupled with
the word fascism will produce the original article as well as many annotations
on each of the 14 characteristics of fascism that he describes. [See list
appended to this essay.] His article is a must read to help get a handle
on the symptoms that corporatism produces.
But even Britt's excellent article misses the importance of Mussolini's point.
The concept of corporatism is number nine on Britt's list and unfortunately
titled: "Corporate Power is Protected". In the view of Mussolini, the concept
of corporatism should have been number one on the list and should have been more
aptly titled the "Merger of Corporate Power and State Power". Even Britt failed
to see the merger of corporate and state power as the primary cause of most of
these other characteristics. It is only when one begins to view fascism as the
merger of corporate power and state power that it is easy to see how most of
the other thirteen characteristics Britt describes are produced. Seen this way,
these other characteristics no longer become disjointed abstractions. Cause and
effect is evident.
For example, number two on Britt's list is titled: "Disdain for the Recognition
of Human Rights". Individual rights and corporate rights, at the very least
conflict, and often are in downright opposition to one another. In the court
system, often individuals must sue corporations. In America, in order to protect
corporations, we have seen a steady stream of rules, decisions and laws to
protect corporations and to limit the rights of the individual by lawsuit and
other redress. These rules, decisions, and laws have always been justified on
the basis of the need for corporations to have profit in order to exist.
Number three on Britt's list is the identification of scapegoats or enemies
as a unifying cause. Often the government itself becomes the scapegoat when
the government is the regulator of the corporations. Often it is lawyers or
administrators who take on the corporations. Often it is liberals who champion
the rights of individuals, or terrorists who might threaten state stability or
corporate profit. Any or all may become scapegoats for the state's problems
because they pose problems for corporations.
Other notable characteristics of fascism described by Britt which are directly
produced by corporatism are:
<> The suppression of organized labor (organized labor is the bane of
corporations and the only real check on corporate power other than
government or the legal system);
<> Supremacy of the military (it is necessary to produce and protect
corporate profits abroad and threats from abroad);
<> Cronyism and governmental corruption (it is very beneficial to have
ex-corporate employees run the agencies or make the laws that are supposed
to regulate or check corporations);
<> Fraudulent elections (especially those where corporations run the machinery
of elections and count the votes or where judges decide their outcomes);
<> Nationalism (disdain for other countries that might promote individual
rights);
<> Obsession with national security (anti-corporatists are a security risk
to the corporate status quo);
<> Control of the media (propaganda works);
<> Obsession with crime and punishment (anti-corporatists belong in jail); and
<> Disdain for intellectuals and the arts (these people see corporatism for what
it is and are highly individualistic).
All of these characteristics have a fairly obvious corporate component to
them or produce a fairly obvious corporate benefit. Even Britt's last two
characteristics, the merger of state with the dominant religion and rampant
suppression of divorce, abortion and homosexuality produce at least some
indirect corporate benefit.
In sum, it's the corporate state, stupid.
As I have pondered what could be done about America's steady march toward the
fascist state, I also have pondered what can be done internally to stop it. The
Germans couldn't seem to do it. The Italians couldn't seem to do it. The only
lesson from recent history where an indigenous people seemed to have uncoupled
the merger of economic power with governmental power is the French Revolution.
The soft underbelly of consolidated economic power is that the power resides in
the hands of a few. Cut off the money supply of the few and the merger between
economic power and government becomes unglued. The French systematically took
out their aristocracy one by one. It was ugly; the French couldn't seem to
figure out when there had been enough bloodletting to solve the problem.
The thought of an American twenty-first century French Revolution is ugly. But
the thought of an American twenty-first century fascist state is far uglier. It
would be a supreme irony that the state most responsible for stopping worldwide
fascism would become fascist sixty years later. But far worse than this irony is
the reality that an American fascist state with America's power could make Nazi
Germany look like a tiny blip on the radar screen of history.
For some years now we have lived with the Faustian bargain of the corporation.
Large corporations are necessary to achieve those governmental and social
necessities that small enterprises are incapable of providing. The checks on
corporate power have always been fragile. Left unchecked, the huge economic
power of corporations corrupts absolutely. Most of the checks are badly eroded.
Is there still time to get the checks back in balance? Or will we be left with
two unthinkable options?