- Feb 8, 2001
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One of the consequences of seeing the world only through your own eyes and being closed off to the reality of how others may view life and the impetus of history is that a certain myopia becomes entrenched.
Repeat something, lie or truth, and it becomes immutable.
What if the premise is inadequate, not all the facts are known, the cultures foreign and the perspectives get skewed to the comfortable rather than the actual?
We see this in this very forum daily, but the issue exists even in the highest reaches of government and academia.
I've lambasted the falsity of postmodernism and it's spawn progressivism, but I would be amiss to not offer something positive in turn and here I want to offer a reference to a book that might open a few people's eyes.
No, it is not a sensationalist expose or tawdry scandal recounting, but it reads like one with flair and with vigor. It is a book by someone who, after 9/11, decided he needed to know the truth about what the world had become, and why New York, his city, was wounded.
The book is The Strong Horse: Power, Politics, and the Clash of Arab Civilizations, by Lee Smith.
A native of New York and former editor of The Village Voice, Smith invites us to take a journey to Arab lands, to live amongst the different people as he did in Egypt and in Lebanon. He offers an examination of the views that Americans and Europeans see as homogeneous, yet are far from being so.
The role of Arab culture and pride, the role a foreign yet familiar Israel plays in the Mid-East are understood by most to the depth of a caricature. The actual importance is much deeper and much more complex and this book does more than a fair job in providing the depth of required insight.
The entire Mid-East is fortunate to have an Israel in their midst, a reliable and necessary enemy yet one that represents the best of modern civilization and is both welcome and hated with jealous intensity by many as a counterpoint to the realities of their lives.
Carolyn Glick just wrote an article which extracts a few insights from Smith's book. The article is a worthy read in itself as it references current events that have not been explored here.
I hope it intrigues a few to delve further into what Smith found and why it is so important that we understand the context and the historical precedents of the events we witness but may not fully understand in that vitally important region.
Repeat something, lie or truth, and it becomes immutable.
What if the premise is inadequate, not all the facts are known, the cultures foreign and the perspectives get skewed to the comfortable rather than the actual?
We see this in this very forum daily, but the issue exists even in the highest reaches of government and academia.
I've lambasted the falsity of postmodernism and it's spawn progressivism, but I would be amiss to not offer something positive in turn and here I want to offer a reference to a book that might open a few people's eyes.
No, it is not a sensationalist expose or tawdry scandal recounting, but it reads like one with flair and with vigor. It is a book by someone who, after 9/11, decided he needed to know the truth about what the world had become, and why New York, his city, was wounded.
The book is The Strong Horse: Power, Politics, and the Clash of Arab Civilizations, by Lee Smith.
A native of New York and former editor of The Village Voice, Smith invites us to take a journey to Arab lands, to live amongst the different people as he did in Egypt and in Lebanon. He offers an examination of the views that Americans and Europeans see as homogeneous, yet are far from being so.
The role of Arab culture and pride, the role a foreign yet familiar Israel plays in the Mid-East are understood by most to the depth of a caricature. The actual importance is much deeper and much more complex and this book does more than a fair job in providing the depth of required insight.
The entire Mid-East is fortunate to have an Israel in their midst, a reliable and necessary enemy yet one that represents the best of modern civilization and is both welcome and hated with jealous intensity by many as a counterpoint to the realities of their lives.
Carolyn Glick just wrote an article which extracts a few insights from Smith's book. The article is a worthy read in itself as it references current events that have not been explored here.
I hope it intrigues a few to delve further into what Smith found and why it is so important that we understand the context and the historical precedents of the events we witness but may not fully understand in that vitally important region.
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Column One: Israel the strong horse
By CAROLINE GLICK
09/04/2010
The Jerusalem Post
To survive and thrive, Israel needs to rebuild the faith of the likes of Jordans Abdullah that it is the strong horse in the region. What does Jordans King Abdullah want from Israel?
This week, Abdullah gave a long and much cited interview to The Wall Street Journal. There he appeared to be begging US President Barack Obama to turn up the heat still further on Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. As he has on a number of occasions, Abdullah argued that the Palestinian conflict with Israel is the cause or the justification of all the violence and emerging threats in the region.
By his telling, all of these threats, including Irans nuclear threat, will all but disappear if Israel accepts all of the Palestinian, (and Syrian), demands for land.
Abdullahs criticism of Netanyahu dominated the news in Israel for much of the week. Commentators and reporters piled on, attacking Netanyahu for destroying whatever remains of Israels good name. In their rush to attack the premier, none of them stopped to consider that perhaps they were missing something fundamental about Abdullahs interview.
But they were missing something. For there is another way to interpret Abdullahs complaints. To understand it, however, it is necessary to consider the strategic constraints under which Abdullah operates. And the Israeli media, like the Western media as a whole, are incapable of recognizing that Abdullah has constraints that make it impossible for him to say what he means directly.
Abdullah is a Hashemite who leads a predominantly Palestinian country. His country was carved out by the British as a consolation prize for his great-grandfather after the Hashemites lost Syria to the French. As a demographic minority and ethnic transplant, the Hashemites have never been in a position to defend themselves or their kingdom against either their domestic or foreign foes. Consequently they have always been dependent out outside powers first Britain, and then Israel, and to a lesser degree the US for their survival.
When Abdullahs strategic predicament is borne in mind, his statements to the Journal begin to sound less like a diatribe against Israel and more like a plea to Israel to be strong. For instance, his statement, In a way, I think North Korea has better international relations than Israel, can be interpreted as a lament.
Abdullah fears war and he recognizes that the Iranian axis which includes Syria, Lebanon, elements of the Palestinian Authority and elements of Iraq is the biggest threat to his regime. Syria, which dispatched the al-Qaida bombers who blew up the hotels in Amman in 2005, threatens Jordan today almost as menacingly as it did in 1970, when it supported the PLO in its bid to overthrow Abdullahs father. Back then, Israel stepped in and saved the Hashemites.
Abdullahs preoccupation with Iran was clear throughout the interview. Indeed, much of his criticism of Israel needs to be viewed through the prism of his obvious fear that Teherans race to regional dominance will not be thwarted.
The reason that Israels media like the American and European media failed to consider what was motivating Abdullah to speak as he did is because both Israelis and Westerners suffer from an acute narcissism that prevents them from noticing anything but themselves. So rather than view events from Abdullahs perspective and consider what might be motivating him to speak, they interpret his statements to serve their own ideological purposes. In the case of the leftist-dominated media, Abdullahs statements were pounced upon as further proof that Israel, and particularly Netanyahu, are to blame for all the pathologies of the Arabs and all the threats in the Middle East. If Israel could only be coerced into giving up land, everything would be fine.
Much of what the West misses about the Arab world is spelled out for us in a new and masterful book. The Strong Horse: Power, Politics, and the Clash of Arab Civilizations, by Lee Smith, is a unique and vital addition to the current debate on the Middle East because rather than interpret the Arabs through the ideological lenses of the West, Smith describes them, their cultural and political motivations as the Arabs in all their ethnic, religious, ideological, national and tribal variations themselves perceive these things.
Smith, a native New Yorker, was the literary editor of The Village Voice when Arab hijackers brought down the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. Propelled by the attacks, he headed to the Middle East to try to understand what had just hit his city. Smith moved to Cairo, where he studied Arabic and drank in the cultural and political forces surrounding him. After a year, he moved to Beirut, where he remained for another three years.
The Strong Horse speaks to two Western audiences, the Left, or the self-proclaimed realists, who ascribe to the belief that the Arabs have no particular interests but are rather all motivated to act by external forces and specifically by the US and Israel; and the neo-conservatives, who believe that at heart, the Arabs all yearn for Western-style liberal democracy.
Smith rejects both these notions out of hand. Instead, by recounting the stories of men and women he met during his sojourn in the region, and weaving them into the tales of Arab cultural, religious and political leaders who have risen and fallen since the dawn of Islam 1,400 years ago, Smith presents a few basic understandings of the Arab world that place the actions of everyone from Osama bin Laden to Jordans King Abdullah in regional and local contexts. The localization of these understandings in turn opens up a whole new set of options for Westerners and particularly for Israelis in seeking ways to contend with the regions pathologies that involve policies less sweeping than grand, yet futile designs of peace-making, or fundamental restructuring of the social compacts of Arab societies.
Smith develops six central insights in his book.
Arab political history is a history of the powerful ruling the weak through violence.
Islamic terror and governmental tyranny are the two sides of the coin of Arab political pathology.
Liberal democratic principles are unattractive to the vast majority of Arabs, who believe that politics is and by rights ought to remain a violent enterprise and prefer the narrative of resistance to the narrative of liberty.
Liberal Arab reformers are unwilling to fight for their principles.
The 1,400-year period of Sunni dominance over non-Sunni minorities is now threatened seriously for the first time by the Iranian-controlled Shiite alliance which includes Syria, Lebanon, and Hamas.
And finally, that it is intra-Arab rivalries and the desire to rule and be recognized as the strong horse that motivates jihadists to wage continuous wars against Israel and the West and against regimes in Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia alike.
As Smith explains, today Arab leaders view Israel as a possible strong horse that could defeat the rising Shiite axis that threatens them. And now, as the US under Obama abdicates its leadership role in world affairs by turning on its allies and attempting to appease its foes while scaling back Americas own military strength, Israel is the Sunnis only hope for beating back the Shiite alliance. If Israel does not prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power, then the likes of Kings Abdullah of Jordan and Saudi Arabia and Egypts Hosni Mubarak are going to be forced to accept Iran as the regional hegemon.
When seen against the backdrop of Smiths analysis, it is clear that as his father did when he supported Saddam Hussein against Saudi Arabia in the lead-up to the 1991 Gulf War, Abdullah was hedging his bets in his interview with the Journal. If Israel fails to act, he wants to be on record expressing his animosity towards the Jewish state and blaming it for all the regions problems. On the other hand, he used the interview as an opportunity to again send a message to anyone willing to listen that he wants Israel to assert itself and continue to protect his kingdom.
The recognition that a strong Israel is the most stabilizing force in the region is perhaps the main casualty of the Lefts land-for-peace narrative and the two-state solution paradigm which wrongly promote the weakness of Israel as the foremost potential contributor to stability in the region. Because Israel is everyones convenient bogeyman, it cannot form permanent alliances with any of its neighbors and as a consequence, it cannot gang up against another state. Because it will always be the first target of the most radical actors in the region, Israel has a permanent interest in defeating them or, at a minimum denying those actors the means to cause catastrophic harm.
Finally, although no one will admit it, everyone knows that Israel has neither the ability nor the desire to acquire and rule over Arab lands, and therefore there is no reason for anyone to fear its strength. For the past 62 years, Israel has only used force to protect itself when it was convinced it had no other option, and it holds only territories designated for the Jewish homeland by the League of Nations 90 years ago and lands vital to its self-defense.
Smith was living in Beirut when Hizbullah launched its war against Israel in July 2006. As he tells the story, When the government of Ehud Olmert decided to make war against Hizbullah in the summer of 2006, all of Washingtons Arab allies... were overjoyed. With the Americans having taken down a Sunni security pillar Saddam and then getting tied down in Iraq, Riyadh, Cairo and the rest sensed the Iranians were gaining ground and that they were vulnerable. Even though they were incapable of doing anything about it themselves, the Sunni powers... wanted to see the [Iranian] bloc rolled back.
Unfortunately for them, Olmert and his government were incompetent to lead Israel in war and within weeks showed that they had no idea how to accomplish their stated aim of crushing Hizbullah. When this reality sunk in, and the Arab masses rallied behind Iran, Hizbullah and Syria against their own governments, the Sunni regimes could abide no longer and demanded the United States move to a cease-fire immediately.
No doubt, in part as a consequence of their disappointment with Israels military performance in Lebanon and subsequently in Gaza, today leaders like Abdullah of Jordan are pessimistic about the future. But there is also no doubt who they are rooting for. And this has profound significance for Israel, not only as it prepares its plans to contend with Iran but also as it considers it national priorities.
For too long, Israels leaders have believed that to thrive regionally, it needs to convince the West to support it politically. But the fact is that Israel is in Asia, not in Europe or North America. To survive and thrive, Israel needs to rebuild the faith of the likes of Jordans Abdullah that it is the strong horse in the region. And once it does that, with or without formal peace treaties, and with or without democracies flourishing region-wide, Israel will facilitate regional peace and stability for the benefit of all.
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