- Apr 10, 2008
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Firstly - Please, please read the whole article.
http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-...rview-on-predator-drones/?cid=topic:featured1
I've quoted a few select paragraphs, since this touches on some subject matter which has been *hotly* debated/contested, not to mention bitched, moaned, and screamed about:
To wit: The "Right~ness" of detaining and (harshly) interrogating terror suspects. Started under GW Bush -
- and which we have stopped doing due to the outcry (mostly) from the Left.
Versus
Blowing them to smithereens with no warning by remote control from the air, as a result of some bureaucratic process, rather than any direct contact or direct investigation. Let alone a "Trial". A process which was originally an option when an individual was out of reach, but has now hugely expanded under President Obama -
- and become "The Way The United States Does Business" with overseas terrorists.
In other words: Is it better to detain and aggressively interrogate individuals? Or is it better simply to kill them?
and
http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-...rview-on-predator-drones/?cid=topic:featured1
I've quoted a few select paragraphs, since this touches on some subject matter which has been *hotly* debated/contested, not to mention bitched, moaned, and screamed about:
To wit: The "Right~ness" of detaining and (harshly) interrogating terror suspects. Started under GW Bush -
who is the mother of all criminal cock sucking bastards, may he die a lingering death from an interbred virus derived from syphillis and ebola
Versus
Blowing them to smithereens with no warning by remote control from the air, as a result of some bureaucratic process, rather than any direct contact or direct investigation. Let alone a "Trial". A process which was originally an option when an individual was out of reach, but has now hugely expanded under President Obama -
Long May The Legendary Heroes Of Mythology Pale In Comparison To His Kind Courage, Strength, Fortitude, and Wisdom
In other words: Is it better to detain and aggressively interrogate individuals? Or is it better simply to kill them?
How CIA staffers determine whether to target someone for lethal operations is a relatively straightforward, and yet largely unknown, story. The president does not review the individual names of people; Rizzo explains that he was the one who signed off. People in Washington talk about a "target list," as former undersecretary of state Richard Armitage described the process at a recent event in Washington. In truth, there is probably no official CIA roster of those who are slated to die. "I never saw a list," says a State Department official who has been involved in discussions about lethal operations, speaking without attribution because of the nature of the subject. Officials at the CIA select targets for "neutralization," he explains. "There were individuals we were searching for, and we thought, it's better now to neutralize that threat," he says.
The military and the CIA often pursue the same targets—Osama bin Laden, for example—but handle different regions of the world. Sometimes they team up—or even exchange jobs. When former CIA officer Henry A. Crumpton was in Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks, he and Gen. Stanley McChrystal—the former head of Joint Special Operations Command, a secretive military unit—worked closely together, and so did their subordinates. "Some of the people I knew and who worked for me went to work for him—and vice versa," recalls Crumpton. Some counterterrorism experts say that President Obama and his advisers favor a more aggressive approach because it seems more practical—that administration officials prefer to eliminate terrorism suspects rather than detain them. "Since the U.S. political and legal situation has made aggressive interrogation a questionable activity anyway, there is less reason to seek to capture rather than kill," wrote American University's Kenneth Anderson, author of an essay on the subject that was read widely by Obama White House officials. "And if one intends to kill, the incentive is to do so from a standoff position because it removes potentially messy questions of surrender."
and
The hub of activity for the targeted killings is the CIA's Counterterrorist Center, where lawyers—there are roughly 10 of them, says Rizzo—write a cable asserting that an individual poses a grave threat to the U.S. The CIA cables are legalistic and carefully argued, often running up to five pages. Michael Scheuer, who used to be in charge of the CIA's Osama bin Laden unit, describes "a dossier," or a "two-page document," along with "an appendix with supporting information, if anybody wanted to read all of it." The dossier, he says, "would go to the lawyers, and they would decide. They were very picky." Sometimes, Scheuer says, the hurdles may have been too high. "Very often this caused a missed opportunity. The whole idea that people got shot because someone has a hunch—I only wish that was true. If it were, there would be a lot more bad guys dead."
Sometimes, as Rizzo recalls, the evidence against an individual would be thin, and high-level lawyers would tell their subordinates, "You guys did not make a case." "Sometimes the justification would be that the person was thought to be at a meeting," Rizzo explains. "It was too squishy." The memo would get kicked back downstairs.
The cables that were "ready for prime time," as Rizzo puts it, concluded with the following words: "Therefore we request approval for targeting for lethal operation." There was a space provided for the signature of the general counsel, along with the word "concurred." Rizzo says he saw about one cable each month, and at any given time there were roughly 30 individuals who were targeted. Many of them ended up dead, but not all: "No. 1 and No. 2 on the hit parade are still out there," Rizzo says, referring to "you-know-who and [Ayman al-] Zawahiri," a top Qaeda leader.
As administration critics have pointed out, government officials have to go through a more extensive process in order to obtain permission to wiretap someone in this country than to make someone the target of a lethal operation overseas.
Rizzo seems bitter that he and other CIA officials have been criticized for authorizing harsh interrogations under Bush, and yet there has been little outcry over the faster pace of lethal operations under Obama. (From 2004 to 2008, Bush authorized 42 drone strikes, according to the New America Foundation. The number has more than quadrupled under President Obama—to 180 at last count.)
The detainees, by and large, survived, Rizzo observes; today, high-level terrorism suspects often do not.
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