- Feb 10, 2000
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One interesting aspect of the costs of Operation Iraqi Freedom, and one I haven't seen widely reported on, is our use of private contractors like Blackwater USA and CACI to fulfill what would traditionally be military or CIA/military intelligence functions.
The Blackwater contractors who were killed in Fallujah last month were highly-trained former Spec Ops troops, and the federal government paid Blackwater $1,000 per day, per man, for their services. They were performing "security" services when they were killed by militiamen in Fallujah, and by all appearances were essentially mercenaries. The four men killed were among 400 Blackwater contractors in Iraq.
The CACI interrogators and translators at Abu Ghraib prison (some of whom are now implicated in the abuses there) were performing a function that would ordinarily be the bailiwick of CIA agents, and which involved the highest levels of secure compartmentalized information, since it appears to have related to national security. Again, they were highly paid (I don't know the exact amount). Apparently DoD hired a total of approximately 100 contractors from CACI and another firm as interrogators and translators.
I find this interesting for a couple of reasons.
It strikes me that DoD draws two meaningful benefits from hiring such contractors (and this is sheer conjecture on my part), neither of which benefits the American public in any way:
1. This allows them to be paid from a different pot of money than the designated OIF funds, allowing DoD to request smaller appropriations for the war, and thus ruffling fewer feathers in Congress. Thus, as far as I can see, we are paying Blackwater more than $350K a year for work that could as easily be done by an Army E-5 for a small fraction of that amount.
2. They afford DoD plausible deniability as to whatever it is they're doing. That is, if one of them commits a crime or war crime, DoD can say, "hey, they are contractors, and they were acting in accordance with their own training, not at our direction." Interestingly, the chairman of CACI has already taken great pains to clarify that their employees were acting under military direction at Abu Ghraib (obviously I have no idea whether that's true).
Whether my theories are valid or not, I'm not crazy about us spending this amount of money on operators over whom we lack tight, UCMJ-style control.
Here is an interesting article on the subject.
The Blackwater contractors who were killed in Fallujah last month were highly-trained former Spec Ops troops, and the federal government paid Blackwater $1,000 per day, per man, for their services. They were performing "security" services when they were killed by militiamen in Fallujah, and by all appearances were essentially mercenaries. The four men killed were among 400 Blackwater contractors in Iraq.
The CACI interrogators and translators at Abu Ghraib prison (some of whom are now implicated in the abuses there) were performing a function that would ordinarily be the bailiwick of CIA agents, and which involved the highest levels of secure compartmentalized information, since it appears to have related to national security. Again, they were highly paid (I don't know the exact amount). Apparently DoD hired a total of approximately 100 contractors from CACI and another firm as interrogators and translators.
I find this interesting for a couple of reasons.
It strikes me that DoD draws two meaningful benefits from hiring such contractors (and this is sheer conjecture on my part), neither of which benefits the American public in any way:
1. This allows them to be paid from a different pot of money than the designated OIF funds, allowing DoD to request smaller appropriations for the war, and thus ruffling fewer feathers in Congress. Thus, as far as I can see, we are paying Blackwater more than $350K a year for work that could as easily be done by an Army E-5 for a small fraction of that amount.
2. They afford DoD plausible deniability as to whatever it is they're doing. That is, if one of them commits a crime or war crime, DoD can say, "hey, they are contractors, and they were acting in accordance with their own training, not at our direction." Interestingly, the chairman of CACI has already taken great pains to clarify that their employees were acting under military direction at Abu Ghraib (obviously I have no idea whether that's true).
Whether my theories are valid or not, I'm not crazy about us spending this amount of money on operators over whom we lack tight, UCMJ-style control.
Here is an interesting article on the subject.
